-Caveat Lector- an excerpt from: America’s Sixty Families Ferdinand Lundberg The Vanguard Press©1937 & 1938 The Citadel Press New York, NY 578 pages Out-of-print --[3]-- III The Administration of Herbert Hoover was, in all fundamental aspects, a regime of scandal, like its two predecessors. Hoover's strategy was to do nothing, hoping that the country would remain on an even keel. The economic debacle which overtook the nation under his rule cannot, it is true, be laid to him alone. He did nothing to the situation; rather did the situation catch up with the policy of drift and expediency which had marked all the administrations since 1896. The culmination was poetically logical: Hoover reaped what McKinley and Hanna, Roosevelt and Perkins, Wilson and Dodge, Coolidge and Mellon had sown. The most serious obstacle to the nomination of Hoover was Andrew W. Mellon who, when Coolidge renounced another term, craftily reached out for the presidency. Mellon was outmaneuvered at the Kansas City Republican convention by the Philadelphia machine of William S. Vare, under control of E. T. Stotesbury and Morgan, Drexel and Company. Hoover had long been a Morgan puppet, and the Republican convention contest was strictly one between Morgan finance capital and Mellon finance capital. Thomas Cochran, partner of J. P. Morgan and Company, was on the ground at Kansas City as Hoover's invisible field marshal. Long before he became wartime Food Administrator the ambitious Hoover had moved in the Morgan orbit. For more than twenty years he had promoted British mining enterprises in Africa, Australia, and Asia, working in association with British banks that were attuned with Morgan, Grenfell and Company of London; Hoover, according to contracts on the record, drew $95,000 a year salary for his promotional work and $5,000 a year for his engineering advice. In 1909 Hoover reached the turning point in his career when he met in London William Boyce Thompson, then a partner of Hayden, Stone and Company, New York investment bankers. Thompson, a stock-market crony of Thomas W. Lamont of J. P. Morgan and Company, was also primarily interested in mining promotions. He brought Hoover into a number of Hayden, Stone and Company enterprises. There has been some mystery made of the way in which Hoover came to the fore as Food Administrator in the Wilson Administration; but there is really no mystery. It was the influential Thompson who introduced Hoover, long absent in foreign lands, to the leading figures of American finance and politics. The Wilson Administration, as we have seen, was in the grip of the "copper crowd," and with the members of this group Thompson was on intimate terms. Hoover, unknown to the world at large, became Food Administrator after having served as head of the Belgian relief group. In 1920 it was Thompson, when the presidential bee was buzzing seductively around Hoover's head, who turned him into the Republican Party and helped him make valuable political connections in New York, Colorado, and California. Thompson, through his work for the Guggenheims, enjoyed a wide acquaintanceship among politicians, newspaper publishers, and businessmen in the western states; as chairman of the Republican Ways and Means Committee he brought Hoover into close touch with such figures as Charles Hayden, Albert H. Wiggin, Harry F. Sinclair, E. L. Doheny, and Thomas W. Lamont. In 1928 Hayden, Thompson's old partner, was placed in charge of Hoover's campaign finances. The contest between Republicans and Democrats in 1928 was embittered by the attempts of a young ambitious group gathered around the Du Ponts and Anaconda Copper, to capture the presidency with Alfred E. Smith, Tammany Governor of New York. This group, largely Catholic in composition, introduced a new note in American politics, for it marked the beginning of the functioning of the Roman Catholic Church on a national scale through the political apparatus of financial capital. In the United States the Catholic Church had hitherto concerned itself only with local politics in the large cities. No fundamental policies were at issue between the two parties, Indeed, the Democratic Party under the leadership of Smith came to resemble more nearly than ever before the Republican Party. It threw overboard, for example, its historic tariff policy. The ostensible issue was Prohibition, with Hoover supporting the drys and thereby gaining the support of the Methodist Anti-Saloon League of America. But not until 1932, under the leadership of the wilful Du Ponts, was Prohibition to become a full-fledged economic issue in national politics. Smith talked about Teapot Dome and other Republican scandals, but was careful neither to indict the Mellon tax infamies nor the speculative boom nourished by Washington. Yet he attracted the support of certain liberals who were undismayed by his uncouth East Side accent or his Tammany connections. Smith's ostensible liberalism, however, merely reflected the shrewd advice of Mrs. Henry Moskowitz, a social worker who labored in close collaboration with him while he, as Governor of New York, introduced a number of reforms of limited character. When Mrs. Moskowitz later died, Smith's political brain died. William F. Kenny, Smith's personal friend and president of the W. F. Kenny Contracting Company, who operated, in collaboration with the wealthy Bradys, as a contractor for the New York Edison Company, Brooklyn Edison Company, and Consolidated Gas Company of New York, made the largest individual contribution to the 1928 Democratic slush fund-S125,ooo. Thomas Fortune Ryan, John J. Raskob, Du Pont deputy and chairman of the finance committee of General Motors Company as well as of the Democratic National Committee, and Herbert H. Lehman of the banking firm of Lehman Brothers, each put $110,000 on the table for the Oliver Street Lincoln. Lehman, who, incidentally, has spent more than $1,000,000 on the various Smith candidacies, in 1932 became Governor of New York. Jesse H. Jones, Texas banker, gave Smith's fund $75,000, and was the moving spirit in bringing the 1928 Democratic convention to Houston. Smith contributions Of $50,000 each were made by Harry Payne Whitney (Standard Oil), M. J. Meehan, Wall Street stock-market manipulator, W. A. Clark, president of the United Verde Copper Company, and Pierre S. du Pont. Bernard M. Baruch put up $37,590. Robert Sterling Clark Put up $35,000; William H. Todd, shipbuilder, made an equal contribution. John D. Ryan, chairman of the Anaconda Copper Mining Company, and a director of the National City Bank, put Up $27,000. Contributions Of $25,000 each were made by Nicholas Brady, Francis P. Garvan, Peter 0. Gerry of Rhode Island; Oliver Cabana, president of the Liquid Veneer Corporation and a director in mining companies; Arthur Curtiss James of the National City Bank and Phelps Dodge Corporation; Edith A. Lehman, wife of Herbert H. Lehman; George W. Loft, candy manufacturer and stock-market operator; George MacDonald, corporation attorney; Nicholas M. Schenck, theater and film magnate; B. E. Smith, president of the Dusenberg Motor Sales Company; Samuel Untermyer, and William H. Woodin, director of General Motors and president of the American Car and Foundry Company. These individuals contributed $1,164,590 of the total Smith fund. Julius Rosenwald, chairman of Sears, Roebuck and Company, made the largest known individual Republican contribution—$50,000. The estate of P. A. B. Widener gave $30,000. George F. Baker, Jr., and Richard B. Mellon each gave $27,000. J. R. Nutt, president of the Union Trust Company of Cleveland and deeply involved in the Morgan-Van Sweringen promotion, gave $26,000. Contributions of $25,000 each were made by Walter H. Aldrich of the United Smelting and Refining Company; W. 0. Briggs of the Briggs Body Company; Edward F. Cary, president of the Pullman Car Company; Walter P. Chrysler, William H. Crocker, William Nelson Cromwell, George W. Crawford (Mellon), Clarence Dillon, Alfred I. du Pont, W. C. Durant, George Eastman, Cyrus S. Eaton, William A. Clark, Jr. Harvey S. Firestone, D. M. Goodrich, Daniel Guggenheim, Harry F. Guggenheim, S. R. Guggenheim, Charles Hayden, E. F. Hutton, Otto Kahn, S. S. Kresge, A. W. Mellon, Eugene Meyer, Jeremiah Milbank, John D. Rockefeller, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., Mortimer Schiff, Charles M. Schwab, Herbert N. Straus, Alfred P. Sloan, Jr., Arthur Whitney, Harrison Williams, John N. Willys and George Woodruff, banker. The Fisher brothers of General Motors Corporation and the Fisher Body Corporation put up $100,000 jointly. Aggregate contributions of this group amounted to $1,210,000. These figures by no means exhaust the political contributions of the wealthy families since 1924. Vast funds were spent during the 1920'S in senatorial and gubernatorial contests, because the struggle for special privileges was intense. Nor do these figures exhaust the contributions to the national committees; the campaign between the two parties-to determine who Was to enjoy the lucrative privilege of determining governmental policies-began as early as 1926. The Democratic National Committee had a deficit of $400,000 from 1924 which had to be paid before 1928. The payments to defray the 1924 deficit consisted Of $75,000 from Thomas Fortune Ryan; $60,000.[7 from Jesse H. Jones; $30,000 from Thomas L. Chadbourne; $25,000 each from Norman H. Davis and William F. Kenny; $20,000 from John Henry Kirby; $15,000 each from Francis P. Garvan and John W. Davis; $10,000 each from Percy S. Straus and Ralph Pulitzer; $7,500 from Cyrus H. McCormick; $5,000 from Jesse I. Straus; $2,000 each from John D. Ryan and Owen D. Young; $1,000 each from Melvin A. Traylor, Chicago banker, Silas Strawn, Chicago corporation lawyer, and Gerard Swope. Although Strawn was a contributor to the Democratic deficit fund he was chairman of the Illinois Republican Finance Committee, with Julius Rosenwald and James A. Patten, the wheat speculator, as his colleagues. Most of the 1928 Republican and Democratic contributions of $1,000 to $25,000 came from the wealthy families, as usual, but the special flavor of the contest brought out more money than in 1924. Marshall Field gave the Republicans $15,000. Ogden L. Mills and Ogden Mills, the former's father, gave $12,5oo each. F. Edson White, head of Armour and, Company, gave $20,000. Republican contributors of at least $10,000 were Edward W. Bok, Philadelphia publisher, Eugene G. Grace, Percy A. Rockefeller, H. B. Rust (Mellon executive), James Simpson, chairman of Marshall Field and Company, Lammot du Pont, T. Coleman du Pont, William H. Crocker, Harold 1. Pratt (Standard Oil), J. P. Graham (automobiles), George M. Moffett, Rufus L. Patterson (tobacco), Cornelius Vanderbilt, Murry Guggenheim, Orlando F. Weber (Allied Chemical and Dye), E. T. Bedford (Standard Oil), Dunlevy Milbank, and Ira Nelson Morris. There were, it is clear, Republicans as well as Democrats among the Du Ponts in this as in other years. Contributors Of $5,000 each included Frederic A. Juilliard (insurance), Jules S. Bache (stock broker), Archer M. Huntington (railroads), Mrs. Whitelaw Reid (nee Mills), H. L. Stuart (investment banker and backer of Samuel Instill), Sidney Z. Mitchell (Electric Bond and Share Company), Jerome Hanauer (Kuhn, Loeb &4 Co.), Samuel and Adolph Lewisohn (copper), Mrs. Daniel Guggenheim, Thomas W. Lamont, Thomas Cochran, Mrs. Mary H. Harkness, J. P. Morgan, Clarence H. Mackay, Dwight W. Morrow, Lewis E. Pierson (Irving Trust Company), Mathew C. Brush (4 [4] stock- market operator), Charles G. Dawes, Harold S. Vanderbilt, Edward J. Berwind, Helen Clay Frick, Mrs. Herbert L. Pratt (Standard Oil), Seward Prosser (Bankers Trust Company), Ogden Reid (Mills-Reid), E. P. Swenson (National City Bank and Texas Gulf Sulphur Company), Mrs. John D. Rockefeller, Jr., and Philip D. Wagoner. G. M. Laughlin, Jr., Irwin B. Laughlin, and J. P. Laughlin, all of the Jones and Laughlin steel dynasty, each gave $4,000; Alex-ander Laughlin gave $2,000 and his wife gave $5,000. George Whitney, Morgan partner and looked upon in Wall Street as Lamont's understudy as the "brains" of the firm, gave $2,750. Edith Rocke-feller McCormick gave $2,000. Contributions Of $1,000 to $5,000 came from Robert R. McCormick, A. Felix du Pont, F. D. Bartow (Morgan partner), Joseph M. Cudahy, Paul D. Cravath, Walter E. Frew (Corn Exchange Bank), Mrs. Marshall Field, Anthony Drexel Biddle, Jr., Albert G. Milbank, Herbert L. Satterlee, Edwin Gould, Walter C. Teagle (Standard Oil), and Alfred H. Swayne of General Motors. Contributions of less than $25,000 from the wealthy families to the Democrats included $15,000 each from Henry Morgenthau and Rudolph Spreckels (sugar); $10,000 each from Edward S. Harkness and Vincent Astor; $5,000 from John W. Davis; $4,000 from Norman H. Davis; $3,000 each from W. N. Reynolds (tobacco) and Ralph Pulitzer; and smaller amounts from scores of corporation executives. Harry Harkness Flagler gave $5,000 Not including primary or local expenditures the Republicans spent $9,433,604 and the Democrats $7,152,511 that was admitted to a special Senate investigating committee. Both parties together spent $16,586; 15 nationally. The Democrats were left with a large deficit, and to erase it Raskob, Lehman, Kenny, and August Heckscher, New York realty millionaire, each gave $150,000- William H. Todd, Baruch, T. J. Mara, a partner of M. J. Meehan, James J. Riordan of the County Trust Company of New York, and John F. Gilchrist, each gave $50,000. Pierre du Pont and Daniel L. Riordan each gave $25,000. D. J. Mooney gave $10,000. In the early days of Hoover's administration preparations were made to continue the swift, silent plundering as of old. The public was still bemused by his campaign references to "a chicken in every pot" and "two cars in every garage," which were soon proved to be as fraudulent as his pretensions to being an engineer (he held no engineering degree) or to being a humanitarian merely because he had administered the disposition of materials to civilian refugees in the World War. Hoover, by his indifference to human misery while in the White House, forever belled his claim to humanitarianism. Hoover's Cabinet reflected his backing. His choice for Secretary of State was Henry L. Stimson, a relic of the Roosevelt-Taft regime and first cousin of two partners of Bonbright and Company, the public-utility arm of J. P. Morgan and Company. Additional public- utility flavoring was given by the admission of Ray Lyman Wilbur, president of Leland Stanford University, as Secretary of the Interior; Leland Stanford University was distinguished for its big endowment of public-utilities securities. Hoover's Secretary of the Navy was Charles Francis Adams, a director of the American Telephone and Telegraph Company and thirty-two other Morgan corporations, for many years in charge of Harvard University's huge endowment fund, and father-in-law of Henry Sturgis Morgan, son of the present J. P. Morgan. When Andrew W. Mellon reluctantly relinquished the Treasury portfolio after having his impeachment demanded on the floor of Congress, his place was taken by Assistant Secretary of the Treasury Ogden L. Mills, grandson of Darius 0. Mills, gold and silver magnate of the old West, and part owner of the New York Herald Tribune. Hoover's Secretary of Commerce was Robert P. Lamont, president of the American Steel Foundries and director of several Morgan corporations; in 1932 he was succeeded by Roy D. Chapin, president of the Hudson Motor Car Company. Upon his resignation Lamont, no relation to the Morgan partner, became president of the American Iron and Steel Institute, protective association of the steelmasters. Walter F. Brown, of the Ohio machine, became Postmaster General, and was to figure prominently in the airplane mail-subsidy scandals of the Hoover regime. Dawes, supplanted in the vice-presidency by Charles Curtis, former Senator from Kansas and race-horse enthusiast, was sent by Hoover to London as American ambassador' where he remained until Mellon relieved him. The English Ambassadorship had since the 18go's never been out of the grasp of the banking fraternity. John Hay succeeded Joseph Choate (Standard Oil); Whitelaw Reid (Mills) succeeded Hay; Walter Hines Page (National City Bank) succeeded Reid; John W. Davis (Morgan) succeeded Page, and was himself succeeded by George Harvey (Morgan-Rockefeller-Ryan). Hoover's Ambassador to France was Senator Walter E. Edge of New Jersey, brother-in-law of Walter C. Teagle of Standard Oil. Serving as Ambassador to Turkey was Joseph Clark Grew, J. P. Morgan's cousin, who was transferred to the important Tokyo post. John N. Willys, the automobile manufacturer, became minister to Poland; W. Cameron Forbes, a director of the American Telephone and Telegraph Company, gave up the Tokyo post to Grew. Irwin B. Laughlin, of the Pittsburgh steel family, had been Ambassador to Spain since 1928 and was replaced in 1931 by Alexander P. Moore, a Mellon-controlled Pittsburgh newspaper publisher. Hoover's ambassador to Berlin was Frederic M. Sackett, public-utilities operator. Harry F. Guggenheim was sent to Cuba, to co-operate on behalf of finance capital with the repressive Machado regime. Morrow and Lamont were Hoover's two principal advisers, and shaped the policies of his administration. The essence of Hoover's policy after the stock market tumbled and economic famine stalked the land was to "let the depression take its course." This was also, by a curious coincidence, the policy of J. P. Morgan and Company and its newspapers, for the Morgan banks, alone of the nation's banking institutions, were almost one hundred per cent liquid, 1. e., had all their resources in cash or government securities. Every downswing in commodity prices, real-estate values, and securities quotations, enhanced the value of the liquid funds at the disposal of J. P. Morgan and Company, which grew more powerful every day that the nation as a whole became poorer. It was unquestionably the Morgan objective to begin investing at cheap price levels, but the situation passed completely out of Hoover's control in 1932. In the meantime Morrow and Lamont shuttled in and out of the White House with the regularity of confirmed tipplers visiting their favorite tavern. When Lamont was not in Washington the telephone wire between the White House and 23 Wall Street was in almost constant use.* President Franklin D. Roosevelt was later to refer critically to this arrangement.[*The author was present at a press conference in the offices of J. P. Morgan and Company the day after England suspended the gold standard in September, 1931. Thomas W. Lamont had carefully explained why he thought England's action meant further deflation in the United States. Toward the end of his interview he was interrupted by a page, who slipped a note into his hand. Lamont left the room. Upon returning twenty minutes later, the ghost of a smile flitting over his face, he said drily, "I've just been talking over the telephone with President Hoover. He believes England's action will give prices an upward fillip over here."] Morrow was appointed to the Senate in 1930 by the Governor of New Jersey, to replace Walter E. Edge, who resigned to escape a deserved drubbing at the polls. Morrow was subsequently re-elected by the efficient New Jersey Republican machine of J. P. Morgan and Company, which already had Hamilton Fish Kean, investment banker worth nearly $50,000,000, in the other Senate seat from the state; Kean succeeded his brother, James Hamilton Kean, in the hereditary office. Morrow, as United States Senator from New Jersey, upheld the best traditions of the Keans and of J. P. Morgan and Company. His conciliatory manners (he would agree to anything verbally) won him the reputation of being a liberal. He voted against the Norris Bill providing for public operation of Muscle Shoals, and on every other measure dealing with the power question he invariably favored the public-utility trust; he sought to block confirmation of three Federal Power Commissioners who had replaced Commissioners friendly to the power trust; he voted to confirm the appointment of a reactionary to the Tariff Commission; he voted against all Federal relief bills for the unemployed; he voted against the veterans' bonus; he voted for all big naval appropriations; and he voted in favor of appropriating War Department funds to foster military training in the schools and colleges. Morrow, in fine, was a typical Morgan partner. Morrow and Lamont, it is known in Wall Street, put the fearful Hoover up to declaring the moratorium on war debts; Lamont also conferred with Hoover just before Hoover announced the extension of time limits on New York bank credits to Germany. As economic conditions grew steadily worse Hoover resisted all pressure that he do something; instead, he adopted the Mellon method of issuing false statements to the effect that conditions were improving. There was more than a breakdown of the capitalistic economy in the Hoover regime; there was a breakdown of common sense. Hoover inherited a situation that not only went back to the war, but to the days of Mark Hanna. The nation's industry was now largely trustified; monopoly ruled through the big commercial and private banks. International trade had gradually been strangled by tariffs set up all over Europe in retaliation against the new American tariff. In 1930 Hoover signed the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Bill, which set duties at the highest level ever seen; it was denounced by hundreds of economists, but was allowed to stand as international trade virtually disappeared and economic crisis, following hard upon the general boosting of tariffs, gripped one nation after the other. In 1930, just after Hoover had convened a conference of bankers and industrialists for the duly advertised purpose of keeping wages and salaries unchanged, wholesale slashings of pay rates became the rule. They were supplemented by wholesale firings of workers throughout industry in a centrally planned attempt to bring down wages. Formal expression was given to the desire of the rich for the "liquidation of wages" in the annual report of the. Chase National Bank for 1930, signed by Albert H. Wiggin, chairman of the board. The biggest corporations led the way, the distinction of instituting nearly two hundred thousand dismissals from 1929 to 1936 going,according to its own annual reports, to the American Telephone and Telegraph Company (Morgan). Hoover, throughout his term, fought against any governmental action which would benefit the nonwealthy groups, labor in particular. In this he resembled Coolidge and Harding. Like his two predecessors he sought to put over a general sales tax and to increase excise taxes; like his predecessors he reduced income-tax rates; like them he fought war veterans' benefits and saw measures passed over his head by a Congress afraid of the veterans' vote; he temporized with the farm problem, as his predecessors had; and like them he scotched all legislation that would regulate the electric light and power companies. But the crisis forced Hoover into a position where he seemed much harsher than had either Harding or Coolidge, although Harding and Coolidge would unquestionably have acted as he did. Coolidge, from his retirement, indeed, would from time to time step forward to approve some particularly callous action by Hoover. He endorsed Hoover's opposition to Federal unemployment relief. Two typical Hoover performances served to dramatize for the country the real outlook of the Republican Party. The first was his brutal handling of the veterans' "bonus army," which was driven out of Washington with fire and sword; the second was his evasion of the problem of unemployment relief. Hoover consistently refused to accede to Congressional demands for public funds to aid the millions thrown out on the streets by the industrialists and bankers when it became evident that to retain them on the pay rolls would necessitate tapping swollen corporate surpluses. It was whispered at Washington tea tables after Hoover began ladling out funds to banks and railroads while he continued denying them to the unemployed that his private motto was, "No one who is in actual distress shall be helped by the Federal government." J. P. Morgan and Company co-operated by having the American Red Cross, still very much under its domination, make ineffective gestures, and by sponsoring the ridiculous block-aid program whereby the rich would help the rich and the poor would help the poor. To seem to be doing something positive Hoover advocated local unemployment relief by states, cloaking his real designs with the invocation of the states' rights shibboleth. Most of the nation's funds had been drawn by absentee owners into a few eastern cities like New York, Boston, and Philadelphia, while in great industrial states like Michigan, Ohio, and Illinois, as well as in lesser states, there were actually no liquid resources available. Local aid therefore meant—no aid. But in pursuing his Morgan-designed policy Hoover unwittingly incurred the ire of the Rockefellers. Although they remained Republican, the Rockefellers in 1932 gave only nominal support to the Republican Party. But other Standard Oil clans conspicuously backed the Democrats. The policy of allowing matters to take their course was turning out to be disastrous to the Rockefellers, for every decline in the price of oil compromised their position. The Rockefellers had also plunged heavily on their real-estate development at Rockefeller Center, New York, and were seriously embarrassed by the decline in real-estate values. In addition to this, the great Chase National Bank was seriously implicated in various speculative ventures, among which were the Fox Film Corporation, the General Theaters Equipment Corporation, and German credits. In 1930 Hoover, seeking to placate the Rockefellers, appointed Colonel Arthur Woods to tackle the unemployment problem. Woods, a trustee of the Rockefeller Foundation, had been Police Commissioner of New York City under John Purroy Mitchel, and later became president of the Rockefeller Center Corporation. After conferring with economists Woods reported that a billion-dollar public works program was required, and urged Hoover to recommend such a program. Hoover refused, although Woods reported that at least five million men were unemployed. When Hoover vetoed the Wagner bill providing for a Federal employment agency Woods resigned in anger, and the Rockefellers turned definitely hostile to the President. Hoover then appointed Walter S. Gifford, president of the American Telephone and Telegraph Company (Morgan), to devise a program of community unemployment relief, and until the closing months of Hoover's term Gifford valiantly strove to give the impression that something was being done for the starving millions. In 1932 the Democratic and Progressive congressional blocs laid out a relief program calling for twice the amount of money that Woods had recommended, and passed it over Hoover's head. pps. 177-188 --[cont]-- Aloha, He'Ping, Om, Shalom, Salaam. Em Hotep, Peace Be, Omnia Bona Bonis, All My Relations. Adieu, Adios, Aloha. Amen. Roads End DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER ========== CTRL is a discussion and informational exchange list. Proselyzting propagandic screeds are not allowed. Substance—not soapboxing! These are sordid matters and 'conspiracy theory', with its many half-truths, misdirections and outright frauds is used politically by different groups with major and minor effects spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought. That being said, CTRL gives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and always suggests to readers; be wary of what you read. CTRL gives no credeence to Holocaust denial and nazi's need not apply. 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