Well I know now where Clinton got that "I feel your pain" crap; did he feel their pain at Waco? Or in the Balkans perhaps? Did he feel their pain, really feel their pain at Littleton for in a recent speech is said he felt the pain caused by little Buford, but failed to mention Littleton? So here is some material by Alinski - Hilliary Clinton's alleged Mentor.....thought in the little first paragraph Introduction, you would read Alinski's definitin of a "radical"....and note, Clinton's "I feel your pain".....what a pack of crap. His Attorney General who was somewhat of a radical symbolized a feminist walking around with a whip and a chain, a real Ferdinand the Bull......and her mating call was Waco. Clinton and Reno felt the pain at Waco, no dooubt, and enjoyed every moment of it. It does take a Village of Idiots to elect a Clinton. Saba Collective Bargaining Alinski Style Patrick Saucerman 5 March 1999 ABSTRACT This paper addresses the influence of the 'Alinski method' on the collective bargaining process, and utilization of this method by WEAC and other such teachers' association. Topics discussed include the definition of collective bargaining as it pertains to Wisconsin and to WEAC. Also discussed is a brief history of Alinski, and the continued use of Alinski based practices in teachers' union public relations and promotional materials. Discussion includes the application of Alinski methodologies as they pertain to teachers' organization and in particular WEAC. Table of Contents Introduction Collective Bargaining in Wisconsin Alinski Defined Practicing Alinski Conclusion References Introduction "What is the American radical? The radical is that unique peson to whom the common good is the greatest personal value. He is that person who genuinely and completely believes in mankind. The radical is so completely identified with mankind that he personally shares the pain, the injustices, and the sufferings of all his fellow men" --Saul Alinski Collective Bargaining is the process that determines the conditions of employment for the employee. It was precipitated by a strong feeling on the part of the organized employee to improve what were perceived to be substandard and unacceptable working conditions. Yet the quest to earn a chair at the bargaining table did not come without tremendous work, tenacity, sacrifice, and perseverance. The success to gain representation was directly attributable to the ability of the non-represented employee to collaborate, strategize, and unify in a common yet powerful voice. Indeed, it was this exact unity that ultimately empowered the non-represented employee to secure representation, and to earn that voice. Saul D. Alinski (1909 - 1972) is considered to be the father of modern American radicalism. He developed strategies and tactics to transform tremendous human spirit and momentum of grassroots organizations into effective antiestablishment activism. His ideas and strategies are widely accepted and implemented today as the set of model behaviors to mandate change, regardless of the cost. He was a man high in principal and character, and was well known for backing up his assertions with action. In the 1960s, following passage of a collective bargaining law for teachers, a proactive teachers union evolved from a long established agency in Wisconsin known as the Wisconsin Education Association Council (WEAC). The evolution of collective bargaining for teachers in Wisconsin, as well as the stature WEAC enjoys as being recognized as one of the most powerful unions in the state, appear to have strong ties to the Alinski model of community organization. Contents Collective Bargaining in Wisconsin Organized labor in general, and teachers' unions in particular, have been a long-standing symbol of grass roots unification in our country for many generations. According to Neil Chamberlain and James Kuhn, authors of Collective Bargaining (1986) one of every twelve union members in the United States is a teacher, representing the single largest individual employee classification in the nation. These statistics indicate a history of strong teacher constituency, and demonstrate a well established, well-defined, and successfully organized union effort. Collective bargaining consists of negotiations between an employer and a group of employees that determine the conditions of employment. The result of the collective bargaining process is known as the collective agreement. Employees are often represented at the bargaining table by a union or other labor organization. Collective bargaining is governed by federal and state statutory law, administrative agency regulations, and judicial decisions. In areas where federal and state law overlap state laws are preempted. See, U.S. Constitution, Art. VI. In Wisconsin, the teachers local union, a WEAC affiliate, traditionally represents the interests of the organized teacher at the bargaining table. WEAC provides ongoing research and training to help affiliates bargain local contracts. This includes research on economic issues, assistance with contract language, and training in the techniques and skills of bargaining. WEAC regularly conducts research on important topics, and also provides assistance to members who wish to undertake research projects, such as surveys (1998). Locals also carry out a broad range of professional and community relations programs. In recent years, the Qualified Economic Offer law has impeded collective bargaining efforts. Teachers and school boards throughout the state remain committed to maintaining fair collective bargaining strategies, but clearly friction is mounting. Contents Alinski Defined In a sermon given by Reverend John E. Gibbons, Saul Alinski is described as the "Jesus of Community Organization" (1995). Indeed, Alinski demonstrated a profound sense of community, an unparalleled ability to garner support for his cause, and a rare ability to provide leadership and vision in an environment entrenched in confusion and chaos. His intense conviction to stand up for his own beliefs was the premise with which he journeyed through life. "Where there are no men, be thou a man (1995)", words spoken to Alinski by Rabbi Hillel, appear to be Alinski's lifelong credo. Alinski was a self-proclaimed radical, dedicating his life to bucking the status quo. Many of his beliefs and philosophies of life appear directly correlated to the environment in which he grew and matured. The son of Russian Jewish immigrants, Alinski grew up in the slums of Chicago's west side, experiencing firsthand life as a "have-not". Yet with limited means by which to support himself, Alinski still managed to graduate from the University of Chicago, majoring in archaeology and sociology. Finding no work in these fields, he turned to criminology working for the state of Illinois, and for a time made acquaintance with the Capone gang. Here, he learned "life was pretty mixed up, that you had to strain to tell who was better than who" (1995). Eventually, Alinski became involved with union organization through a Chicago slum known as the "back of the yards" (1995). It was here that Alinski began to craft his trade for smoozing and focusing on the issues that unified differing groups, categorically ignoring the issues that keep these groups at odds. With this notion of differing groups setting aside their differences and unifying to form coalitions, Alinski repeatedly demonstrated that their truly was power in numbers. He developed into a masterful practitioner at demonstrating strength and exposing the enemy's weaknesses. Always political and continually growing in popularity, Alinski was frequently called into cities to organize local groups. It is with this set of values and beliefes that Alinski conducted his affairs, ultimately leading to his "rules for radicals" and other Alinski strategies. In complete defiance to established organization, and with a flare for theatrics, Alinski devised tactical rules to combat opponents vastly superior in power and money. Among the more pointed tactics are the notion that power is not only what you have but what the enemy thinks you have, to stay within the experience of your own people and go beyond the experience of your enemy, to ridicule, keep pressure on, threat, pick a target, freeze it, personalize it, and polarize it (1998) . Alinski was a master at antagonizing, agitating, irritating, aggravating, and insulting. He was as intensely hated by his enemies as he was revered by his allies. His greatest contribution was his ability to establish unity, cooperation, collaboration, and coalition to achieve a common cause. Contents Practicing Alinski It is clear that many of the tactics advocated by Alinski are currently practiced by teachers' unions and WEAC members today. Examining the posture and publications extolled by teachers unions and WEAC in particular offer some definitive evidence and insight to the Alinski-based model of community action. Much of the Alinski premise centers around the notion of power, or more specifically, the perception of power. "Ours is a world not of angels but of angles" (1995), Alinski said. "Reconciliation is when one side gets the power and the other side gets reconciled to it..." (1995). WEAC appears to be extolling its power with its promotional materials and advertising. The WEAC web site asserts that their organization "...represents the public policy, labor and professional interests of 86,500-plus members, and remains a strong voice for its members and the 800,000 children in Wisconsin public schools" (1998). Upon reading this statement, I am reminded of an Alinski passage quoted in Horwitt's book Let Them Call me Rebel. Alinski, when discribing the Back of the Yards Neighborhood Council, stated that "this organization is founded for the purpose of uniting all of the organizations within the community...in order to promote the welfare of all residents...so that they may all have the opportunity to find health, happiness and security through the democratic way of life" (1989). Notice how Alinski, through imagination and theatrics, views the council not merely as a little community group, but as an entity representing nothing short of the democratic way of life! Similarily, WEAC is employing the same tactic by stating that they are not merely an association for teachers, but a strong voice of every public school student in the state! Yet another tactic of Alinski was to focus on the small scale day to day issues using a bottom-up strategy. Gibbons asserted that Alinski never wanted to get too general. "Let's talk jobs, housing, garbage collection - not philosopy. And keep it to a couple of issues, not a manifesto" (1995) This approach seems comparable to statements found on the WEAC web site. "The local association (for example, the Ripon Education Association) is the primary membership unit and deals with issues that directly affect the compensation, working conditions and professional interests of members.The local bargains a contract with its employer. Locals also carry out a broad range of professional and community relations programs. " (1998). Aside from the similar tactic of focusing on the few, basic issues, I also notice another Alinskiism in this WEAC statement. Notice how WEAC promotes a "broad range of professional and community relations programs". Alinski always endorsed the advancement and progress of the local community. "...Search out the leaders...identify their major issues, find areas of common agreement, and excite their imaginzation.." (1995). Another parallel that seems to show Alinski type tactics is WEAC's philosophical approach, embodying community spirit, teamwork and social harmony to foster the advancement of common goals. The following are a series of six editorials originally published weekly in the Sunday editorial section of the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel. The series outlines WEAC's "Framework for Successful Schools," building on and setting forth WEAC's main policy initiatives (1998). - A Framework for Successful Schools - Student Preparation is Building Block for Future Success - Students Deserve Safe and Orderly Schools - Parents and Families Make Education Work! - Teaching Means Responsibility and Respect - Let's Build on the Best These principles, saturated with community and team harmony, demonstrate yet another characteristic common with Alinski methodology. Notice key terms such as "Let's" and "Parents and Families" and "safe and orderly". Much like the previous example, it embodies the support of community, and asserts a unified "team effort" to attain ultimate success. Alinski taught to think of the senses. "If you've got numbers but no power, think of your ears and make a lot of noise" (1995); sentiments from Alinski echoed in Reverend Gibb's sermon. Indeed, I was a witness of this tactic by unified teachers in a protest of the Marshfield school board involving the QEO. Unionized Marshfield teachers, and members from surrounding school districts paraded into the monthly school board meeting with signs in hand to address the board in an orderly but direct fashion. Numbers were estimated in the hundreds, with a uniform and Alinksy-laced display of solidarity. As Alinski taught, these various school districts found a common issue with which consensus could be easily reached, the QEO, and displayed in a public forum their strong opposition of this law. This single act epitomizes the Alinski model in action. Contents Conclusion WEAC and other such teachers' organization have practiced and continue to practice Alinski-based methodology in Wisconsin. Organizing based on common interests and issues, demonstrating strenghth in numbers and solidarity, all appear to be tactics clearly aligned with Alinski methodology. The establishment of collective bargaining in Wisconsin was a hard fought and ambitious struggle, out of which a strong teacher union representation emerged. The success of this battle appears to be deeply seeded in the various tactics Alinski taught and asserted in gaining advantage over more powerful and influential adversaries. Yet, with no immediate relief for revenue caps, and no real threat of the QEO being repealed, it seems only logical that matters between organized teachers' associations and school administration will heat up. And based on the history of collective bargaining in Wisconsin, it can be easily be assumed that Alinski style tactics will again be employed by WEAC and other such agencies to battle the educational establishment. Contents References Chamberlain, N and Kuhn, J. (1986). Collective Bargaining [Text]. Available: McGraw-Hill [1999, March 6]. Hurley, B. (1998). All About The Wisconsin Education Association Council. [Online]. Available: http://www.weac.org/ [1998, December 11]. Gibbons, J. (1995, February). Reveille For Radicals: Lessons From the Life of Saul Alinski. [Online]. Available: http://www.gn.apc.org/pmhp/dc/activism/alinsky.htm [1999, March 6]. Horwitt, S. (1989). Let Them Call Me Rebel [Text]. Available: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc. [1999, March 7]. No Author (1998, November). Saul Alinski: The American radical. [Online]. Available: http://www.gn.apc.org/pmhp/dc/activism/salinsky.htm [1999, March 8].
http://www.marshfield.k12.wi.us/pjspage/TermPapr/alinski.htm
