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Mercenaries; Messiahs of Terror

Expo Times (Freetown)
June 8, 2001
Posted to the web June 8, 2001
http://allafrica.com/stories/200106080012.html

Issa A. Mansaray
Vienna, Austria

The 'Mercs' as they are known for short, prefer to be called
'military consultants,' or 'military advisors' as in the case of the
South African and United Kingdom 'Executive Outcomes' (EO). Even with
all the colourful names they give to themselves, they are still
considered as 'hired soldiers' or 'contract soldiers' that kill for
gain in countries of conflicts out of their boundaries. The misgiving
about mercenaries is that they sometimes help to fuel conflicts and
can easily switch sides to the highest bidder in any war zone.

Reading magazines, newspapers, and watching TV news on conflicts, the
word mercenary invokes terror and death. According to the 'Soldier of
Fortune magazine', the mercenary profession is the second oldest job
in the world. Mercenaries are considered as foreign soldiers helping
to liberate countries in conflict. However, Mercenaries do not
consider themselves as bloodthirsty soldiers. Many political
observers describe them as 'Soldiers of fortune,' 'Messiahs of
terror' and 'dogs of war'.

Mercenaries' operations in Africa started in the 1960s, with soldiers
like Gilbert Bourgeaud, known as Colonel Bob Denard, 'Mad' Mike
Hoare, 'Black' Jacques Schramme. These 'professional private
soldiers' are known across Africa for their involvement in almost all
the major battlefronts on the continent, from Angola to Democratic
Republic of Congo (former Zaire) to Sierra Leone or Mozambique.

Today's mercenaries want to be respected and called names like
'Contract soldiers,' 'military advisors', or 'military experts'. In
1977, the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) adopted the OAU
Convention for the Elimination of Mercenaries in Africa. This measure
was taken in response to the increasing rate at which mercenaries
were deployed to destabilise the emerging African states at the time.

TERROR

The only thing that seems to be continuous in the 20th and part of
the 21st century has been war, mostly in developing countries. While
the world powers tend to pay more attention to major conflicts such
as in Iraq, Chechnya, Bosnia, and others places around the world,
there are plenty of low-key wars in Africa - Sierra Leone, Angola,
Rwanda, Casamance, DRC, Somalia etc, and military freelancing is now
widespread.

For the past years, mercenaries have been involved in almost all the
conflicts and wars in Africa; the continent is still undermined and
locked in Guerrilla warfare. The horrific images of 'soldiers of
fortune' in conflicts and the aftermath of wars, followed by the
countless number of refugees, does not encourage civilians to support
them. It brings cold feelings to the hearts of many people. Many
argue that their love for money and mining concessions, easily make
them switch sides and unaccountable to any government.

The case of EO's involvement in Angola comes to mind. EO, a spill
over of the South Africa Defense Force (SADF) fought on the side of
rebel leader Jonas Savimbi in Angola, because according to them, they
were told then that communism was evil, but after the cold war, they
realised the truth and fought on the side of the Angola army. They
advised on how to recapture the diamond fields from Savimbi.

Mercenaries in Africa see themselves as messiahs of the people from
colonialism, dictators and rebel factions. Their argument, according
to Col. Rudolf Van Heerden, EO's Operations Commander in Sierra Leone
in 1995, is that: "Africa should not depend on the United Nations to
solve its security problems. Africans must solve their own problems
themselves. Africa is being destabilised by rebel wars and external
influences. Executive Outcomes was formed to neutralize their rebel
wars and counter the influence of negative external forces."

Nevertheless, for the people in the eastern town of Kono in Sierra
Leone, the point is not convincing. When one of its members, Robert
Mackenzie was killed and others injured, EO countered by shooting on
sight any one within their areas of operations (AO) in the diamond
and rutile mining fields. Civilians where mistaken as rebels or
'rebel sympathizers'. The war became more confused. During the war in
Uganda, the government hired a couple of troops and flight pilots
from South Africa to flush the rebels in the north. They left three
months after not been paid, and Joseph Koni's Lord Resistance Army
(LRA) kidnapped 100s of children.

THE MERCENARY BUSINESS

Today, mercenaries in Africa consider themselves businesspersons
first. They make deals through well-established firms around the
world. They undertake specialised services such as intelligence
gathering, military training, personal protection and guarding mining
fields. They are also willing to 'eliminate' enemies of states. In
recent years, they operate as arms purchasing agents for third word
countries. The business does not end there, they sign mining
concessions for security: a task they consider more paramount in
Africa where state security in many countries is fragile and
political leaders can not afford the high cost in cash.

It is reported that the Executive Outcome made a profit of about $
400 to $ 500 million in contracts and soldiering in war torn
developing countries. It is also noted that with such huge annual
turnovers, soldier of fortune clients are not only weak African
regimes, but also multinational cooperation. It is anticipated that
with the United Nation's failure in keeping the peace in many
countries, it might consider taking 'hired guns' to the world's must
dangerous places.

Mercenarism is now a growing business industry in Africa, but
tarnished by media coverage and civilian doubts about their 'clouded
activities' in many countries. It is also difficult to distinguish
between 'private securities' and 'mercenaries,' as the Geneva
Convention exclude the use of mercenaries in any counties.

An ex-mercenary describes their job as 'the Circuit'. According to
him, 'the circuit is a group of people who are employed by security
companies. Nevertheless, these companies are not like the Group 4 in
the UK. They are mainly just offices with skeleton staff and they
recruit from a pool of talent, the circuit.' The British are said to
top the list, seconded by South Africa for mercenary activities in
general.

With eleven conflicts in Africa, arms sale is also on the increase.
The continent is now an open market replacing the Middle East and
Latin America buyers. Thus, adding to the economies of mercenary arms
agents. The US State Department report titled Arms and Conflicts in
Africa, reveals that "such is the influx of weapons into the
continent that an AK-47 costs as little as $6 in the war-torn areas
of Sierra Leone, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Somalia."

When the rebels in Sierra Leone nearly took over the whole country in
1992, EO was approached to guard the mining fields. They left around
1994 after series of problems. After the elections in 1996, the
government in Sierra Leone approached them again to protect the
mining fields, train the local Kamajor militias and to conclude the
war. That did not work. The British government came under heavy
criticism for deals involving the transportation of arms through
Sandline International to Africa.

DANGER

Military analysts explain that, the fall of the Berlin Wall seems to
be a major reason for the increase of mercenary activities on the
continent. The apartheid in South Africa also led to proxy-wars with
its neighbouring countries. Thus, with the end of apartheid, a number
of its military forces decrease, and demobilised soldiers find
conducts to continue their profession. According to the New African
Magazine, EO recruits and employs mercenaries from any part of the
world to fight in conflicts in Africa.

About 2,500 are reported to be working for EO and Sandline
International. The end of the cold war also added to the increase in
mercenary figures in Africa. International Alert, the conflict
resolution group in London described them as 'an assortment of former
assassins, spies, saboteurs and scoundrels.'

Some mercenaries say they do their job for money when they start; but
with time, they become convinced that they are doing a job to secure
freedom for others. Many never count the 'body bags' of their
colleagues sent home. Allan Hetherington an Ex-Grenadier Guard says
he likes his job not because of killing people. He considered killing
people, as he put it: an "occupational hazard, just like being killed
is an occupational hazard". A soldier of fortune that had worked all
over Africa told the Punch magazine "Real mercenary work is people
dying every day."

In Britain, where the mercenary business is flourishing, the
government is also said to be involved in making contacts for corrupt
regimes. The Punch magazine of 13 December 1997 reported as follows:

If a country approaches the UK government for training teams from the
British Army and it's politically dodgy, what the Foreign Office does
is give out a list of Security companies that are competent to carry
out the training to whatever standard; counter-terrorist work or just
general military training. They give this list of firms and say:
"These companies can carry it out. It's up to you who you choose."
But to get on that list you have to be cleared by the Foreign Office.

It is a hot market and there is training throughout Africa. Unlike
the mercenaries groups in Britain, the Executive Outcomes in South
Africa operate with less attention from the government.

In the sixties, Bob Denard created a small island for himself in
Comoros, but his friend Hoare who was paid to train and motivate a
small group of African soldiers failed to take control of Seychelles
after years of mercenary combat in Katanga (DRC).

LIBERIA

When Charles Taylor started his rebellion on Christmas Eve in 1989,
he crossed into Liberia from Ivory Coast with a group of about 100
fighters. Around 1991 the number increased to thousands of fighters.
Taylor employed youths and mercenaries from neighbouring countries.
Private securities from Libya and Burkina Faso were also employed to
train his National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) rebels.

Taylor's war left approximately 200,000 people dead, about 65 percent
of Liberia's population of 2.8 million displaced. Out of fear for his
brutality, Liberians voted for Charles Taylor's National Patriotic
Party (NPP) on 19 July 1997 in the presidential and congressional
elections to end the seven years war in what was one of West Africa's
most dangerous countries.

However, in recent months, the war started by Taylor's NPFL about a
decade ago has resumed in Lofa in northern Liberia. Dissident
factions had regrouped with the help of Private Military Companies
(PMCs) to fight Taylor's government. In the early days of the war, it
was reported that troops from the notorious group in Sierra Leone
known as Internal Security Unit (ISU) were engaged in the war. The
ISU joined the United Liberation Movement of Liberia (ULIMO) to fight
the NPFL along the Sierra Leone - Liberia boundary. Taylor claimed
that their aim was to control the country's timber and Rubber
plantations.

SIERRA LEONE

The murderous campaign of the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) rebels
over the past years had succeeded in making the country's government
ineffective. Their terror tactics include amputations and arson. The
RUF had brought the country to its knees, and all international
efforts to stop them had ended in abject failure. The recent blow for
the international community was the kidnapping of about 500 UN
peacekeepers by the RUF.

RUF rebels humiliated the British troop sent to save the country on
several occasions at the warfront. The Nigerian and Guinean troops,
who are mostly interested in controlling the mining fields, also lost
some of their field commanders to the RUF. With all this
embarrassment, President Tejan Kabbah turned to the British
government for military support. The British in turn, made the
necessary contacts with Sandline International and Executive Outcomes
for Kabbah's government. Yet, with a bankrupt economy, the mercenary
groups were offered mining concessions to the sum of about $100
million to fight the rebels. The involvement of the British
government with Sandline International in the 'Arms to Africa'
episode, ended in court battles for government officials as well as
the mercenary groups.

To date, with no end in sight to the terror, it has been reported
that British soldiers are discretely working with pockets of
Executive Outcomes and other mercenaries, hurriedly training the
Kamajohs, the ethnically based pro-government militias in Sierra
Leone. Other mercenary groups like Southern Cross Security are also
training and guarding the titanium mining company Sierra Rutile
Limited in southern Sierra Leone. The fear of many Sierra Leoneans
abroad is that with British and EO mercenary well trained ethnic
militias in the country, the images of Rwanda will soon come to
thedoorsteps of Sierra Leone.

GUINEA

Guinea is now 'tasting the bitterness of war' according to President
Charles Taylor of Liberia. Over the past years, Guinea has been the
safe heaven for Liberian and Sierra Leonean refugees, but this is no
more. Rebels from neighbouring countries have invaded the country on
many counts.

Guinean troops have been engaged in Sierra Leone and Liberia as
peacekeepers, but unable to bring peace in both countries. Now,
President Lansana Conté is accusing Sierra Leone and Liberia rebel
mercenaries of invading his country. Reportedly, Russian, Bosnian and
Burkenabe mercenaries are said to be piloting a gunship and training
Guinean dissidents. The Mano River Union that was formed to avoid
such wars is now in tatters and the whole region is submerging into
an unspeakable arm conflicts.

Even some diplomats observing the dilemmas in Guinea have faith in
employing mercenaries. Their argument after the kidnapping of the 500
peacekeepers is that, "if the United Nations cannot supply first
world soldiers with combat mandate, perhaps the only viable
alternative is to contract mercenaries to do the job for them."

Although it is considered as a controversial issue, the former
UNAMSIL commander in Sierra Leone at one time said, "Well yes, I
think in some counties perhaps a smaller, well equipped, well trained
mercenary force would probably be the answer."

In other parts of Africa, commercial armies are busy not only in
combating rebel forces, but actively involved in protecting and
mining natural resources. Mr. Eeben Barlow the head of Executive
Outcomes, whose troops are involved in Angola, talks about
"cost-effectiveness" and in an interview he once said "We are selling
the business of surviving." Moreover, this is the case in Angola, a
country locked in war for over 30 years. EO establishes a kind of
security for oil or diamond contract in 1993. EO was first hired to
protect Ranger Oil and Chevron installations and to clear the area
off UNITA rebels. The job was done with 100 Mercs from EO. EO
impressed both Ranger and the Angolan government. Then the government
asked Heritage Oil to hire more troops from EO for a sum of $40m.

In Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) (former Zaire) dictator Mobutu
Sese-Seko provided a budget of about $25m to pay Serbian mercenaries
recruited by Christian Tavernier. Their salaries ranger from 10,000
to $25,000 for top officers, yet they fail to save him from Kabila.
According to other sources, Tavernier also recruited about 40 troops
mostly some former French Foreign Legionnaires. It is also reported
that they knew Africa better than they knew Europe. Nevertheless,
most of the ex-Romanian police, Serbian and Croat fighters had hoped
to earn more dollars in Africa than fighting back home, but fled when
Kabila emerged with his 'contract fighters' from the neighbouring
countries.

Today DRC is plunged in a war supported by its neighbours and
mercenaries from Rwanda, Uganda, Zimbabwe and others in the region.
The war is not going away, DRC is rich in resources classified as
strategic minerals.

In Congo-Brazzaville, former President Pascal Lissouba was accused of
hiring Russian and Croat pilots. President Denis Sassou-Nguesso
complained that they were trying to attack him from neighbouring
countries. While in Cabinda former American serve officers with the
US army and US Marines were hired to protect the oil fields owned by
Gulf Oil Company. The oil field pumps about $1.5bn worth of oil a
year. The Air Scan headed by Brig-Gen (Ret) Joe Stringham, also train
troops to guard the oil installations in Cabinda. The lowest pay for
a mercenary in the Cabinda coast is $225 per day, but the Front for
the Liberation of Cabinda (FLEC) continues to be a source of threat.

Freelance soldiering is also a big business in Cameroon. A company
called Africa Security created by Patrick Turpin a former French
military officer employed an estimated number of 2,500 men in 1996.
It is also reported that some PMCs also recruit and operate as
militias on behalf of President Biya's political party Rassemblement
Democratique du Peuple Camerounis (RDPC).

In other African countries such as Sudan, Rwanda, Burundi, Somalia,
Nigeria and Casamance region in Senegal, the endless wars are
contributing to the increasing numbers of refugees and poverty. The
irony is that most of these counties are rich in both mineral and
marine resources. Recent findings indicate that the continent is top
in 'strategic resources' needed for information technology. With
these, the security business will continue to boom in Africa.

Copyright © 2001 Expo Times. Distributed by AllAfrica Global
Media (allAfrica.com).

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