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http://www.media-alliance.org/mediafile/20-3/chomsky.html

  Volume 20 # 3
May / June 2001
  Noam Chomsky: Behind the Headlines on Colombia
an interview by David Barsamian

  DB: Talk about evolving U.S. policy in Colombia. The Interhemispheric
Resource Center in Albuquerque has issued a statement: "U.S. Policy in
Colombia: Towards a Vietnam Quagmire." Do you think that's an appropriate
analogy? The New York Times writes in an editorial titled "Dangerous Plans
for Colombia" that the aid to Colombia "risks dragging the United States
into a costly counterinsurgency war."
NC: I don't like the phrase "Vietnam quagmire" for Vietnam or Colombia. Were
the Russians caught in a quagmire in Afghanistan? They shouldn't have
invaded. The problem with the Afghan war is not that the Russians got caught
in a quagmire. It's that they shouldn't have invaded the country. The same
is true of the U.S. and Vietnam. The fact that it became costly to the U.S.,
which is what a quagmire means, is irrelevant. The U.S. invaded South
Vietnam and destroyed it, along with much of the rest of Indochina. So I
think we ought to keep away from the phrase.

DB: Interestingly, the IRC is an alternative organization.

NC: They do wonderful work, but the problem in Colombia is not whether the
U.S. will get dragged into a war. That's a minor issue. The major issue is
what this is all about. Take a look at today's New York Times and Boston
Globe. Both papers happen to have articles about this issue, although I'm
not sure they entirely realize the connection. The Times has an article on
Bolivia, where farmers are staging big protests. One background reason is
that there are farmers who have been compelled to grow coca because there
are no other options. The U.S. has come in with crop destruction programs
and counterinsurgency operations which have destroyed their coca crops, and
now they're starving. So they're among those who are protesting, though the
immediate causes are different.

Bolivia is one of the poorest countries of the world. So first they are
driven to coca production by the "Washington consensus" and IMF/World Bank
programs which say, You've got to open your country up to agriculture and
other imports and you have to be a rational peasant producing for the
agro-export market trying to maximize profit. You put those conditions
together and it spells c-o-c-a. A rational peasant producing for the
agro-export market when the country is being flooded by subsidized Western
agricultural production is going to be producing coca. Then the West comes
in and violently wipes it out, and they end up with peasants protesting in
the streets. That's what is going on in Bolivia.
  The Boston Globe has a good article on Colombia by a reporter in one of the
areas that's targeted for the new program where the United States is
planning to come in to destroy the crops. That's actually a cover for
eliminating the guerrillas. These are areas that are under guerrilla control
and have been for a long time.
DB: This is the FARC, the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias Colombianas.

NC: There's another guerrilla organization, the ELN, Ejército de Liberación
Nacional, but it's mainly FARC. Those are the areas that are targeted by the
new program. The paramilitaries are up to their neck, as the military is, in
narco-trafficking, but they're not targeted by the program. So the military
program happens to be concentrated in the areas of guerrilla control and not
the areas of military and paramilitary control, although it's well known
that they're deep into narco-trafficking in pretty much the same way the
guerrillas are, namely the paramilitaries tax production, just like the
guerrillas. In fact, the involvement of the guerrillas in coca production is
just that they tax everything.

What does the Boston Globe article on Colombia say? Colombia peasants are
terrified because there are rumors going around that the U.S.-Colombian
program is going to start fumigating. If they fumigate, it's going to be
like Bolivia. That will destroy their crops. In fact, they'll destroy not
only the coca crops but maybe other crops.

The chemical and biological warfare that the U.S. carries out, and that's
what it is, may say it's going after coca, but it has unknown consequences
for the rest of the ecology. It's an experiment, after all, and these are
third world people. You just carry out experiments. You don't know what's
going to happen. If it destroys the forests, too bad, we'll change the mix
next time. So Colombians are terrified that the programs are going to wipe
out their livelihoods. They probably don't know about Bolivia, but then
they'll be like Bolivian peasants whose protests are described in the New
York Times.

These are two New York Times-owned newspapers, incidentally, so we're
talking about two branches of the New York Times discussing different
aspects of the policy as it affects the poor people, the peasants.

Here we're getting to the issues, not the quagmire. Whether the U.S. manages
to keep troops out of it and lets the Colombian army do the dirty work or
not is not the issue. The policies are not nicer if the Colombian military
and its paramilitary associates carry out the policies under U.S. direction,
funding, and pressure. The Colombian government is dragging its feet, not
very happy, apparently, about the U.S. insistence on destruction and
counterinsurgency rather than, say, funding of alternative crops.

The U.S. will support the military and hence, indirectly, the
paramilitaries. It is not disputed, not controversial, that they are
responsible for the overwhelming mass of the atrocities. They're mostly
attributed to the paramilitaries, but the paramilitaries who are very
closely linked to the military. Human Rights Watch has a report that
documents the ties between high military authorities and the paramilitaries.
Farming out atrocities to paramilitaries is standard operating procedure.
Serbia in Kosovo and Indonesia in East Timor are two recent examples.

DB: Almost paralleling Central America, would you say?

NC: In many ways. There are different mixtures in different countries. So
the U.S. war against Nicaragua had to use U.S.-run paramilitaries, the
contras, because the usual repressive force, the army, wasn't available, and
the U.S. public wouldn't tolerate direct invasion, like the Kennedy-Johnson
attack against South Vietnam. But in El Salvador, they just used the army.

DB: And affiliated death squads.

NC:They're kind of like paramilitaries. Often they are straight military
officers. In Colombia, the resort to paramilitaries actually traces back to
the Kennedy administration. It had been a very violent place with a hideous
history. In 1962, the Kennedy administration sent a team to Colombia headed
by General William Yarborough of Special Forces. He advised the Colombian
military on how they should deal with their domestic problems. His
recommendations, which were then implemented, with joint training and so on,
were that the security forces were to be trained to "as necessary execute
paramilitary, sabotage and/or terrorist activities against known communist
proponents." This means union leaders and peasant organizers, priests and
teachers and human rights activists. That's understood. The Kennedy
administration proposal, then implemented, was to use military and
paramilitary terror against that sector of the population, and that led to a
change in the violence. It got a lot worse, which is recognized by Colombian
human rights activists.

Then comes the period of mostly U.S. influence on the system, and it has
been pretty awful. Just in the 1990s there have been at least a million and
a half refugees forced out. The political killings run around ten a day,
mostly by paramilitaries and military. Colombia is potentially a very rich
country, but there's a huge amount of poverty, suffering, and starvation.
That's the basis for the guerrilla movements, which are quite strong by now.
The U.S. is now moving in to try to destroy them.

Incidentally, there's another question that ought to be raised. What right
do we have to do anything in Colombia? There happens to be a lethal drug
produced in the United States that is killing far more people than cocaine.
The Supreme Court just described it as the major health hazard in the United
States--tobacco. We force that on other countries of the world. Countries
in, say, East Asia not only have to accept our lethal drugs but they have to
accept advertising for them, advertising aimed at vulnerable populations,
like women and children.

These issues came up at the same time that President Bush was announcing the
latest phase of the drug war with great fanfare. With virtually no media
coverage, the U.S. Trade representative conducted hearings on the refusal of
Thailand to accept advertising for U.S. lethal drugs. They were threatened
with trade sanctions, which are murderous for them, if they don't accept
U.S.-produced drugs, which in reality means advertising, too, whatever the
words may be.

In effect, it's as if the Colombian cartel could insist that we import
cocaine and allow them to post billboards in Times Square showing how cool
it is for kids to use it. Suppose China, where millions of people are being
killed by our lethal drug, would say, OK, we're going to go into North
Carolina and carry out counterinsurgency operations and chemical and
biological warfare to destroy the drugs that you are forcing on us. You've
even forced advertising on us. Do they have a right to do that? If they
don't have that right, how do we have a right to do anything in Colombia?

That's the most elementary question that ought to be asked. That is never
raised. At least I can't find it. Even the critics of the new program don't
go that far. But that's not going far.

We recognize that China doesn't have that right. If China tried to claim
such a right, we'd probably nuke them. But we're supposed to have that
right. Again, going back to the beginning of our discussion, these are the
kinds of things that people ought to be asking themselves. And they're not
profound. It's not like quantum physics. It is right on the surface that we
have absolutely no right to do a thing in Colombia.

If we have a problem with drugs, that problem is here. And it's known how to
deal with it. A famous Rand Corporation study found that rehabilitation
programs are seven times as cost-effective as criminalization, eleven times
as effective as border interdiction, and twenty-three times as effective as
source-country control. But that's not what's wanted. Policymakers want
harsh punitive measures at home, and military helicopters and crop
destruction abroad.

If we have a problem here, deal with it here, not only with rehabilitation
and education but also with looking at the socioeconomic basis of it. There
are reasons why people turn to self-destructive drugs, so take a look at
those. These are all problems within the United States. They give us no
justification for carrying out chemical and biological warfare and military
action in other countries, whether that military action is done by proxy or
not.
------------
David Barsamian lives in Boulder, CO and is the producer of the
award-winning syndicated radio program, Alternative Radio. He is also a
regular contributor to The Progressive and Z Magazine. This interview is
excerpted from his new book, Propaganda and the Public Mind, Conversations
with Noam Chomsky.

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