>From Law & Other Things Blog
http://lawandotherthings.blogspot.com/2009/05/yesterday-at-election-rally-in-new.html
Tuesday, May 05, 2009  Relations between Dr. Ambedkar and the Congress --
The Constituent Assembly and Beyond  Yesterday, at an election rally in New
Delhi, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mayawati
accused<http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/Mayawati-invokes-Ambedkar-asks-Dalits-not-to-support-Cong/articleshow/4479435.cms>the
Congress party of mistreating Dr. B.R. Ambedkar and ensuring his
defeat
in the first general elections. A similar
allegation<http://www.lkadvani.in/eng/content/view/781/209/>was made
by BJP President L.K. Advani a few weeks ago. I have not been able
to find the full text of Mayawati's speech. However, the "salient points" of
Advani's speech have been posted on the BJP President's
website<http://www.lkadvani.in/>.
According to Advani:

*The Congress party never gave Dr. Ambedkar his due. It defeated him in the
first Lok Sabha elections in 1952. A new book by Dr. H.V. Hande, a senior
leader of the BJP in Tamil Nadu (Ambedkar & The Making of the Indian
Constitution, published by Macmillan) throws light on how Dr. Ambedkar could
not find a place among the 296 members initially sent to the Constituent
Assembly. A Dalit leader from East Bengal withdrew himself, paving the way
for Dr. Ambedkar to enter the Constituent Assembly as a member in his own
right. Again, it was Mahatma Gandhi who prevailed upon Jawaharlal Nehru to
include Dr. Ambedkar in his Cabinet.*

The Congress party promptly hit back at Advani's speech. Home Minister P.
Chidambaram 
accused<http://www.hindu.com/2009/04/16/stories/2009041661481300.htm>the
BJP of displaying newly minted affection for Ambedkar and referred in
particular to Arun Shourie's controversial book, Worshipping False Gods,
that was highly critical of the Dalit leader. Without wading into the
political dimensions of this debate on Indian history, it would be useful to
dispassionately analyze Mayawati's and Advani's contentions based on
historical facts that are in the public domain.

Advani basically makes three points: (1) Ambedkar was unable to make it to
the Constituent Assembly and someone had to withdraw for him to become a
member; (2) it was Mahatma Gandhi who made Nehru inducted Ambedkar into his
interim cabinet; (3) the Congress ensured Ambedkar's defeat in the 1952
General Election as there was no love lost between the party and the Dalit
leader. Mayawati appears to reprise the first and third point. On the first
point, she goes a bit further than Advani in specifically charging the
Congress with blocking Ambedkar's entry into the Constituent Assembly, the
entity which drafted and adopted our Constitution.

To fully appreciate Advani and Mayawati's complaint about Ambedkar 's
membership of the Constituent Assembly, one must understand how that body
was constituted. As a consequence of the Cabinet Mission's ill-fated attempt
to broker a deal between the Congress and Muslim League, elections were held
in July 1946 to the provincial legislatures of British India. These
legislatures then elected 296 members to the Constituent Assembly (allocated
roughly in the ratio of one to one million). The remaining seats in the
Assembly were to be filled by representatives from princely states. Ambedkar
was among the 296 members originally elected to the Assembly in 1946 from
the provinces. B. Shiva Rao's first volume on the
Framing<http://www.unilawbooks.com/search.asp?Page=2&subj=>of our
Constitution has the original list of these 296 members. Dr.
Ambedkar's name is listed as a representative of Bengal.

Ambedkar was the sole representative in the Constituent Assembly of the
Scheduled Castes Federation. The Federation won 14 out of the 148 reserved
seats in the 1946 provincial elections. Its poor performance was due to
several reasons including high property qualifications for voter
registration that disenfranchised most Dalits; the Congress party's superior
electoral mechanism and zeal to ensure its candidates were elected from
reserved constituencies; the joint electorate system after the
Ambedkar-Gandhi Poona Pact; and the fact that many Dalit leaders had already
joined the Congress.

In the Constituent Assembly, Ambedkar joined 29 other Dalit members many of
whom elected under Congress tickets. Most of the Congress Dalits were
associated with the All India Depressed Classes League led by Jagjivan Ram.
Ambedkar was elected by the undivided Bengal legislature with five
transferable votes (a minimum of four was required). The Scheduled Castes
Federation did not have five members in the Bengal legislature. Therefore,
it has been speculated that the votes for Ambedkar came from Anglo-Indian
members, independent members who were Dalits, and possibly even the Muslim
League<http://books.google.com/books?id=B-2d6jzRmBQC&pg=PA382&dq=kher+ambedkar+constituent+assembly&ei=YiztSfu4IIPcygTU1KiMAg#PPA382,M1>
.

Ambedkar was forced to seek election from Bengal, a province he did not have
much connection with, because he lacked the requisite support in his home
province of Bombay. Throughout the 1940s, Ambedkar and the Congress clashed
bitterly over the issue of Scheduled Caste rights and representation.
Ambedkar was an unyeilding critic of the party's positions on many issues,
which he believed were enimical to the Scheduled Castes' interests.
Therefore, Patel personally directed the Bombay Congress to select strong
Dalit candidates who could defeat Dr. Ambedkar's nominees. Despite this
political enimity, once in the Constituent Assembly, Ambedkar worked closely
with his Congress colleagues in formulating and drafting our national
charter. His cooperation and professional approach to the task led many
Congressmen to soften their opposition to him, with some believing that he
had acceptably moderated his previously radical positions.

This thaw between the Congress and Ambedkar stood the latter in good stead.
Under the partition plan, Ambedkar lost his Assembly seat because Bengal was
divided and fresh elections for the Constituent Assembly were to be held in
West Bengal. When it became apparent that Ambedkar could no longer continue
in the Assembly, the Congress high command decided that he was too valuable
to lose. M.R. Jayakar, a jurist from Bombay, had resigned from the Assembly,
and his place was to have been filled by G.V. Mavlankar. The plan was for
Mavlankar to preside over the Constituent Assembly when it functioned as the
central legislature for the Indian dominion from 15 August 1947 (Rajendra
Prasad was in the cabinet and could not preside over the legislature). But
the Congress party decided it would rather have Ambedkar fill Jayakar's
place to ensure his continuance in the Assembly.

To that end, on June 30, 1947, Rajendra Prasad wrote to B.G. Kher, the prime
minister of Bombay, directing him to have Ambedkar elected to the Assembly
on a Congress ticket. Prasad explained that it was important to ensure that
Ambedkar continued in the Assembly:

*Apart from any other consideration we have found Dr. Ambedkar's work both
in the Constituent Assembly and the various committees to which he was
appointed to he of such an order as to require that we should not he
deprived of his services. As you know, he was elected from Bengal and after
the division of the Province he has ceased to be a member of the Constituent
Assembly. I am anxious that he should attend the next session of the
Constituent Assembly commencing from the 14th July and it is therefore
necessary that he should be elected immediately.*

Besides Prasad, Sardar Patel was also closely involved in the effort to
ensure that Ambedkar remained in the Assembly. On the same day as Prasad
wrote to Kher, Patel spoke to the Bombay Premier, who was not the greatest
fan of Ambedkar, and urged Kher to take prompt action to ensure Ambedkar's
election to the Assembly. The next day, Patel tried to pacify Mavlankar by
explaining that Dr. Ambedkar's election required "earlier action" since
there was only one vacancy available. Patel told Mavlankar that "all people
here feel that [Ambedkar's] attitude has changed and he has been a useful
Member in the Committee." He advised Mavlankar that "there [was] no hurry"
about his election and promised that the Congress would arrange for his
election through another vacancy that would occur after a short time. Patel
reiterated this position in a letter on 3 July 1947 to Mavlankar in which he
noted that "everybody wants [Ambedkar] now." The rapprochement between the
Congress and Ambedkar was complete when Ambedkar returned to the Assembly in
July 1947 greeted by loud cheers.

The best evidence in support of Advani's second point about Ambedkar being
admitted into the interim cabinet due to Gandhi's urgings is Shourie's book.
In it, Shourie quotes Jagjivan Ram's widow who claims that Ambedkar
requested Jagjivan Ram to lobby Gandhi for a cabinet berth. Interestingly,
in Ambedkar and
Untouchability<http://books.google.com/books?id=W1590ts70g0C&dq=dr.+ambedkar+and+untouchability&printsec=frontcover&source=bn&hl=en&ei=givtSYbBGpqxtgfL7v3RDw&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=4>,
Christoph Jaffrelot also seems to agree with Shourie on this issue, although
much of Jaffrelot's book is devoted to rebutting Shourie's criticism of
Ambedkar. Quoting his own sources, Jaffrelot states that Gandhi was behind
Ambedkar's admission into the cabinet and specifically notes that Nehru was
not particularly inclined to Ambedkar.

But the idea that it was Gandhi who was instrumental in ensuring Ambedkar's
entry into the Cabinet is not universally shared. Mountbatten who
gave<http://books.google.com/books?id=pw5zNwAACAAJ&dq=transfer+of+power+vol+7+mansergh&ei=4jj_SZHrHIWczgTOvZ3eBg>Nehru
plenty of unsolicited advice about whom to include and exclude
(Mountbatten wanted neither Rajaji nor Prasad) seemed pleasantly surprised
at Ambedkar's inclusion. But he does not reveal who sponsored Ambedkar for a
cabinet position. Valerian
Rodriguez<http://books.google.com/books?id=NeuHAAAACAAJ&dq=Valerian+Rodriguez+ambedkar&ei=6GT-SYXXApmYyAT755TVBg>in
his very useful compilation of Ambedkar's writings argues that
purported
intervention of Gandhi on Ambedkar's behalf is yet to be fully corroborated.
And an early Ambedkar biographer, Dhananjay
Keer<http://books.google.com/books?id=B-2d6jzRmBQC&printsec=frontcover&dq=Dhananjay+Keer&ei=wmT-SZv5PJjAzQSgvLjvBw>believes
that Ambedkar was included in the cabinet through the collective
efforts of Sardar Patel, S. K. Patil, Acharya Donde, and Nehru. Gandhi only
granted formal approval for this plan when it was presented to him by Nehru.

Advani's third accusation (repeated by Mayawati) is facially correct. A
Congress candidate did defeat Ambedkar in the 1952 election for the Bombay
North Lok Sabha seat. However, it is important to note that the victorious
candidate, N.S. Kajrolkar, was a Dalit as well and the constituency was a
reserved one. Ambedkar faced the electorate just after he resigned from the
Union Cabinet because of differences over the Hindu Code Bill.

While Ambedkar was still in government, the Bombay Provincial Congress
Committee actually considered entering into an electoral alliance with
Ambedkar's Scheduled Castes Federation. In fact, according to the veteran
Congress leader S.K.
Patil<http://books.google.com/books?id=CUIEAAAAMAAJ&q=ambedkar+1952+Patil&dq=ambedkar+1952+Patil&lr=&ei=5E3_SYqOH4iCzATPyoGXDw&pgis=1>,
the party kept a seat vacant for Ambedkar until the last moment. However,
all bets were off after Ambedkar's party entered into an alliance with the
Socialist Party. Oddly enough, Kajrolkar later confided to President
Rajendra Prasad that Ambedkar lost the election because he did not get the
Socialists' support. Ambedkar was subsequently elected to the Rajya Sabha in
1952. But he was defeated in his second attempt to enter the Lok Sabha
through a 1954 by-election from Bhandara constituency. Ambedkar took this
defeat in his stride. In fact, he learnt about it while on a visit to
Rangoon.
 Posted by Vikram Raghavan  at 2:03
AM<http://lawandotherthings.blogspot.com/2009/05/yesterday-at-election-rally-in-new.html>
   
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