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Sent: Fri, 11 Apr 2008 9:27 am
Subject: Slavery Makes a Comeback in 21st Century America
















Disposable Workers in the US Economy


Slavery in the Fields


By ELIZABETH SCHULTE


Counterpunch, April 10, 2008


http://www.counterpunch.org/schulte04102008.html


José Vasquez couldn't stand any more.


On November 19, he and two other workers escaped 
through a ventilation hatch in the box trailer where they had been locked up 
for 
the night.  For more than a year, the three immigrants and a dozen more 
were forced to work for the Navarrete family picking tomatoes in Immokalee, 
Fla.


They were made to pay $20 for "housing" --a locked 
van where they had to defecate in the corner-- as well as $50 a week for food 
and $5 to take a shower in the backyard with a garden hose.


Earning just 45 cents for every bucket of tomatoes 
they picked in the blistering Florida sun for some 12 hours a day, the men were 
in perpetual debt to their captors.  And the fear of deportation made 
defying the men who held them seem even more impossible.  Any identifying 
documents they once had were locked away.


When investigators finally arrived a week later, 
they found the other workers bloody, bruised and beaten -- a regular state of 
affairs, according to the workers. Mariano Lucas, one of the workers who 
escaped, told investigators he tried to take a day off a few weeks previously, 
and was beaten until he bled. One man had badly swollen wrists from being 
chained with his hands behind his back every night.


There's only one way to describe this 
abuse, according to Chief Assistant U.S. Attorney Doug Molloy: "Slavery, plain 
and simple."


No one disputes that slavery --abolished 150 years 
ago in the U.S.-- is one of the ugliest chapters in American history. Yet just 
under the surface of the modern-day image of the U.S. as a beacon of democracy 
is an ugly secret: that slavery still thrives for thousands of 
workers.


Under the modern slave system, workers aren't 
bought and sold on the open market, as they once were in the U.S. South -- but 
rather they were smuggled into the country and forced to work, all just beneath 
the radar of government officials and the public.


Last year's incident at Immokalee marked the 
seventh farm labor operation to be prosecuted for servitude in Florida -- 
involving well over 1,000 workers and more than a dozen employers--in the past 
decade.


In 2004, for example, Ramiro and Juan Ramos were 
sentenced to 15 years each in federal prison on slavery and firearms charges. 
They threatened the 700 farmworkers under their control with death if they 
tried 
to leave, and pistol-whipped passenger van service drivers who gave rides to 
farmworkers leaving the area.


By and large, though, it's these small-time 
extortionists who are punished for modern-day slavery in America--while the big 
corporations who ultimately profit from slave-like labor stand above the 
fray.


And profit they do. "The food sector (food, 
groceries, food processing, and restaurant businesses together) is worth about 
a 
trillion dollars a year in the U.S. and is second only to pharmaceuticals in 
profitability," writes journalist John Bowe in his book Nobodies: Modern 
American Slave Labor and the Dark Side of the New Global Economy.


"Considering that the American public gives some 
$47 billion per year in direct subsidies to agricultural producers and billions 
more in tax breaks, research allocations to university, marketing 
initiatives...it is blind idiocy or willful deceit to say the money just isn't 
there."


Through activism on the part of farmworkers 
themselves and a fierce and creative public boycott campaign, the Coalition of 
Immokalee Workers (CIW) last year forced McDonald's, the world's biggest 
restaurant chain, and Yum!, which owns KFC, Pizza Hut and Taco Bell, to pay 
pickers another penny per pound of tomatoes.


Today, Burger King, which also buys its tomatoes 
in Immokalee, is refusing to follow suit. Burger King's intransigence was 
backed 
up by the Florida Tomato Growers Exchange, which last year threatened a 
$100,000 
fine for any grower who agrees to an extra penny per pound for pickers' 
wages.


As Eric Schlosser, author of Fast Food Nation, 
pointed out in the New York Times, "Telling Burger King to pay an 
extra penny for tomatoes and provide a decent wage to migrant workers would 
hardly bankrupt the company.  Indeed, it would cost Burger King only 
$250,000 a year...


"In 2006, the bonuses of the top 12 Goldman Sachs 
executives exceeded $200 million -- more than twice as much money as all of the 
roughly 10,000 tomato pickers in southern Florida earned that year."


The fast-food giant's excuse? The CIW "has gone 
after us because we are a known brand," complained Burger King vice president 
Steve Grover. "At the end of the day, we don't employ the farmworkers, so how 
can we pay them?"


This is how the big guys keep their hands clean of 
the dirty work of paying sub-minimum wages -- and enslaving other human 
beings.


In some cases, slave-like conditions are perfectly 
legal, since labor laws almost always favor the employer, particularly in the 
agricultural industry.


Speaking of the U.S. bracero program from 1942 to 
1964, under which millions of Mexican workers were imported and contracted out 
to U.S. growers and ranchers, even the U.S. Department of Labor officer in 
charge of the program, Lee Williams, described it as a system of "legalized 
slavery."


When the program was shut down, migrant workers 
could still be brought into the U.S. under the H-2 program, or the guest-worker 
system--under which workers are only provided with a visa when they have an 
employer, therefore keeping them at the mercy of emloyers.


As a 2007 report from the Southern Poverty Law 
Center (SPLC), Close to Slavery: Guest Worker Programs in the U.S., 
states, "Under the current system, called the H-2 program, employers brought 
about 121,000 guest workers into the U.S. in 2005 -- approximately 32,000 for 
agricultural work and another 89,000 for jobs in forestry, seafood processing, 
landscaping, construction and other non-agricultural industries.


"These workers, though, are not treated like 
'guests.' Rather, they are systematically exploited and abused. Unlike U.S. 
citizens, guest workers do not enjoy the most fundamental protection of a 
competitive labor market -- the ability to change jobs if they are mistreated. 
Instead, they are bound to the employers who 'import' them. If guest workers 
complain about abuses, they face deportation, blacklisting or other 
retaliation."


When their work visas expire, H-2 employees must 
leave the U.S. -- making them, in the words of the SPLC, "the disposable 
workers 
of the U.S. economy."


Often, workers are recruited overseas, 
with recruiters' fees ranging anywhere from $500 to $10,000 for travel visas 
and 
other costs. Add to this exorbitant interest rates, sometimes as high as 20 
percent a month, and it's obvious that workers are arriving in the U.S. with 
debts they can't possibly pay off with jobs that pay very little, typically 
less 
than the federal minimum wage.


In some cases, recruiters threaten to harm 
to the families of the workers if payments are missed. The workers are trapped 
in a terrifying downward spiral.


Nelson Ramirez, a forestry worker from Guatemala, 
described to the SPLC what happened when he signed up to work for Eller and 
Sons 
Trees in 2001. A labor recruiter required that his wife sign a paper agreeing 
to 
be responsible if he were to break his contract.


"I didn't understand exactly what this threat 
meant, but knew that my wife would have to sign if I was going to get the 
visa," 
Ramirez said. "The work was very hard, but I worried about leaving, because my 
wife signed this form to get me the job."


Abuse of workers --including human trafficking and 
slavery conditions-- have been reported in a surprising variety of jobs.  
Among the cases documented in a 2007 report from the California Alliance to 
Combat Trafficking and Slavery (CA ACTS) Task Force were 48 Thai welders hired 
through Kota Manpower of Thailand and Los Angeles and forced live in squalor, 
working for little or no pay.


In September 2004, Nena Jimeno Ruiz was lured to 
LA from the Philippines under false pretenses, forced to work 18-hour 
days at the home of an executive at Sony Pictures, sleep on a dog bed and 
threatened with never seeing her family again if she 
complained.


In 2001, Victoria Island Farms settled a civil 
lawsuit that resulted in the payment of back wages to workers who were forced 
to 
harvest asparagus in substandard conditions for virtually no pay. Hired by a 
farm labor contractor, the workers, recruited mostly from Mexico, were 
powerless 
to stop huge deductions for transportation and other "debts" that the employer 
took from their weekly paychecks.


The U.S. State Department estimates that 
approximately 80 percent of people trafficked from other countries are women 
and 
girls, and up to 50 percent are minors. Members of "Lideres Campesinas," an 
agricultural worker women's organization based in Pomona, Calif., told the CA 
ACTS Task Force that foremen often prey on immigrant women, abuse them and 
sexually assault them.  The women say that if they complained, they would 
be deported, and their families in their home countries would be 
victimized.


Immigrants are the most vulnerable to these 
attacks on their basic freedoms -- and the least protected by the U.S. 
government.


Typically, law enforcement officials are charged 
with protecting the rights of those being abused -- and they are the least 
capable of handling the job. On the contrary, they are more likely to be 
viewed-- for good reason-- as the enemies of undocumented immigrants, making 
them the last people workers would seek out for help.


In the end, undocumented workers are the ones 
treated like criminals.


The U.S. government is ill-equipped and apparently 
uninterested in seeking out these all-too-common incidents of abuse. At best, 
it 
turns the other way when abuses occur; more often, it is part of the problem, 
as 
the threat of deportation hangs heavy over the heads of workers too afraid to 
seek help.


If we are going to abolish modern-day slavery, we 
have to look to the struggles from below that won workers' rights in the 
past.


The Immokalee workers are modeling their struggle 
against slavery in the Florida fields on the first abolitionist movement, with 
a 
national petition drive marking the bicentennial of the U.S. ban on importing 
slaves and a vow to stop modern-day slavery.


And in Pascagoula, 100 immigrant guest workers 
from India took a page from the civil rights movement when they walked out over 
the slave-like conditions at a Signal International shipyard on March 6 -- 
holding signs the read "I Am a Man" like those carried by striking Black 
sanitation workers in Memphis in 1968.


"We need to change this system to one that helps 
the employees who are suffering, not the employers," said Signal worker Sabulal 
Vijayan.







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