-Caveat Lector-
an excerpt from:
Revelations of an International Spy
I. T. T. Lincoln
Robert M. McBride & Company©1916
New York
--[6a]--
CHAPTER VI
THE TRIPLE ENTENTE CONSPIRACY
(1907-1911)
LET us return to Paris! Gay Paris, beau-tiful Paris, charming Paris.
It is November, 1906. 1 moved to Paris for per-manent residence there, for a
time; only occa-sionally going to Brussels for two or three days. November in
Paris—chacun a son gout—is to me more delightful than May or August, with the
heat from above and from below the asphalt. But in November I There is the
crispness, the sharp-ness of fall; the foggy atmosphere in the morn-ing, but
infrequent during this period, only lends it a more autumnal color. The Bois
de Boulogne with the kaleidoscopic colors of the leaves on trees and covering
the ground, is a revelry such as one seldom beholds. The bracing November
morning brings out the rosy colors on the cheeks of the
midinettes, the hurrying boulevardiers and boule-vardieres are clad in
becoming overcoats, the char-coal fires on the terraces of the cafes—all this
combined creates a milieu, a scene superbly Pari-sian. And not to forget that
tout le monde is back in Paris! It is too late for, Vichy or Contrexeville or
any of the summer resorts and it is too early for the Me d'Azur—the
incomparable French Riviera. Everybody is back, everybody is about town.
In the year 1907 there were some important moves executed on the
international chessboard. At the tournament of 1906 in Algeciras, by a
skillful usage of a bishop (Italy) and by a courageous handling of two pawns
(Morocco and Egypt), they intended to checkmate the Kaiser. All Edward
achieved was, however, a drawn game. Several important figures and pawns were
knocked down and each player rearranged his figures with the grim
determination to win. The by-standers—Europe and the world at large—were the
while looking on amidst great tension, distrust, and alarm. The atmosphere
was decidedly threatening, and charged with suppressed emotions and animosity
in the antagonistic groups of players and partizans. The moves were briskly,
energetically made; a keen observer could see that both players were
determined to win; it could also be seen that no quarter was given. The game
was long drawn out. The Kaiser repeatedly tried to capture the queen (France)
of Edward, hoping that once that is accomplished the king (Russia) would be
easy capture.
Edward made frantic efforts to win the game. He played as follows:
First of all he placed one of his knights and one bishop in such a position
(Ed-ward visits King of Spain and King of Italy, April, 1907) that no
unforeseen attack could be made on his queen (France) in that quarter (Edward
and his consort also visit Paris in February). He then moved his king behind
the queen (Russian squadron visits England in March). In May he placed one of
his castles (Japan) in front of the queen (France) to prevent trouble in that
quarter (Franco-Japanese Agreement, signed May, 1907). To further play a safe
move he put the king (Russia) behind this double protection (Russo-Japanese
Treaty, signed June, and July). He strengthened his king (Russia) by placing
some of the pawns around it. (East China and South Manchuria Railway
convention between Japan and Russia, signed June 13; June 28th Russo-Japanese
fisheries arranged and a treaty of commerce and navigation signed.)
When Edward made the above moves, some of his backers exchanged portentous
smiles (Isvolsky and Motono sign the general agreement between Russia and
Japan in St. Petersburg, July 30th) and shook hands in joy. (Grey and
Isvolsky sign the Anglo-Russian agreement of August 31st.) To be quite exact,
Edward was tired of playing, he retired to dinner (Marienbad) but Grey made
the moves for him and when accomplished he was notified (Edward notified on
2nd of September of signing of the Anglo-Russian agreement; a king's
messenger bringing the news to him while he was sitting at dinner at Hotel
Weimar in Marienbad, his guest being the Grand Duke Alexandrovitch of Russia
and Mons. Crozier, French Ambassador in Vienna).
But Grey was not a very steady player. In moving the king behind his
barricades of protection, he upset a pawn; absit omen! (in August, Cossacks
bombard Parliament in Teheran), and the queen (France) falls upon another
pawn (French bombard Casablanca in Morocco in August). Edward, to make the
winning of the game quite sure, brought in additional friends to surround
himself, as it were, to overawe the Kaiser (military reforms in England;
Territorial army constituted). All these moves did not disturb the Kaiser.
Indeed he, too, was absent, cruising in Norwegian waters, but his substitute
player, Emperor Francis Joseph I, caught quite a bagful of pawns (had
fifty-three southern Slavs arrested for high treason in August). The game was
adjourned till next day (1908).
The first move was made by the Kaiser, he advanced one of his knights,
threatening thereby a pawn (Balkans) and the king (Russia) of Edward.
(Aerenthal announces on the 27th of January, 1908, to the Austro-Hungarian
delegations that he will soon obtain the Sultan's concession to prolong
Austrian railways as far as Mitrovitza.) Edward counteracted this move by
moving one of his Balkan pawns in attack on a pawn of the Kaiser (Turkey).
(Grey addresses proposals to all signatory Powers making very radical
proposals of reform for Macedonia.)
A decided move at last by the Kaiser brings home to Edward the great danger
attending his game and he calls in some more supporters to surround him, so
that in the event of losing they might bodily capture the Kaiser. (March 18th
and 20th, special navy orders issued, and on 31st Haldane's army reform comes
into effect.)
The day finished amidst the greatest tension. The finishing moves of the
Kaiser barred the main position of Edward and threatened a veritable
holocaust amongst his pawns and even more important figures, unless indeed he
changed his tactics. Next day (1909) there was a great alarm in Edward's camp
at a review of the general position. (Navy scare in England, February, 1909.)
Edward's camp started the day with low spirits. They played a reckless game
and they knew it. Their hearts dropped in them at the memory of the Kaiser's
queen's (Austria-Hungary) last night's bag (Aerenthal's energetic action).
The Kaiser cleverly seizing this oppor-tunity, nearly captured Edward's queen
(Franco-German agreement about Morocco, February, 1909). Meanwhile Edward's
king fell upon some pawns, knocking them over (Russia sends troops into
Northern Persia) in February. Edward seeing that he would not be able to beat
Germany at the diplomatic game, secures his king (Russia) in a safe position
(Russia acknowledges and accepts the annexation of Bosnia, March), and brings
in more partizans in order eventually to capture the Kaiser (increased navy
estimates in England, March). Edward wrings his queen (France) from the
Kaiser, whereupon the Kaiser makes a very determined move for her (Germany
sends the Panther to Agadir). The king's (Russia's) continual knocking over
of pawns, due to Edward's elbows, creates displeasure among some of his
followers, whereupon one pawn is sacrificed (Col. Liakhoff is recalled from
Persia at England's request and Shah Mohammed Ali is deposed to pacify
English public opinion).
_____
MOVES
Edward, frightened by the Kaiser's move, pushes his king (Russia) behind a
pawn (Balkan), threatening the Kaiser's pawn (Turkey).
MEANING
Russia addresses on the 28th of March to all Powers proposals for the reform
of Macedonia less radical than the English, but more advanced than any
hitherto emanating from Austro-Russian pact.
_____
MOVES
This move by Edward evoked signs of approval on the part of all his backers.
Two moves were now made by Edward, which bad fatal consequences. He brought
the king and queen back to their original positions, but which was now much
stronger on account of frontal protection.
MEANING
With the exception of Germany and Austria-Hungary all Powers signified their
adhesion to Russia's proposals.
King Edward and President Falliere exchanged toasts, "strengthening the
Entente and rendering it more permanent." (June.)
Immediately after Edward hurried to Reval to see the Tsar. There he put
Russia's head into a hornet's nest of Balkans.
_____
MOVES
The Kaiser replied by moving forward one pawn (Turkey) and taking Edward's
"frontal protection." The Kaiser pushed his queen (AustriaHungary) forward
and took two Important figures (Bosnia and Herzegovina).
MEANING
After Edward's visit to Reval, Young Turkish Revolution broke out (July
23rd), upsetting for the time all the schemes of Edward on the Balkans and
Turkey.
Austria - Hungary annexes Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The game stood adjourned.
_____
The game again stood adjourned. But was continued next day (1910) and the
following(1911) without any results to either side. Edward VII has meantime
died and his place was taken by a triumvirate, i.e., Sir Edward Grey, Mons.
Sazonoff, and M. Isvolsky. They made a determined effort (in 1912) to bother
the Kaiser's two principal figures (Austria-Hungary and Tur-key) through the
Balkan League, but achieved only the loosing of all their pawns. (The Balkan
League broken up.) From this day on the game was played with great acrimony,
notwithstanding the fact that the Kaiser—in a last attempt—asked one of his
supporters to go over to Grey and talk to him in order to terminate the game
by mutual consent and shake hands. (The Kaiser sends Marshal von Bieberstein
as Ambassador to London.) Unfortunately when he reached Grey's camp he was
seized with a fatal illness. Previous to this Grey sent one of his
lieutenants to the Kaiser on the same errand, but without being backed up by
honest good will. Haldane's visit to Berlin fruitless as Grey was unwilling
to accept terms for fear of offending Russia or France.
It was evident that this game of chess must end by involving in serious
conflict all the opposing camps and their partizans. In July, 1914, Sazonoff,
the Russian Foreign Minister, pushed one of his pawns (Servia) and took the
Kaiser's castle (Archduke Francis Ferdinand), although according to the rule
of the game this ought not to have been done as there were covered fields
between them. Exasperated by this wanton act and by innumerable others during
the course of the play, it was demanded that the pawn should be handed over
to the Kaiser (Austria demands from Servia the punishment of the criminals).
A heated and bitter discussion ensued. Sazonoff refused and in this refusal
he was backed up by Grey and Poincare, who would not listen to the pleadings
of the rules.
_____
<cartoon>
Kladderadatsch, March, 1910.
Der perfekte Billardspieler im Hotel de I'Europe.
This prophetic cartoon, inspired by the Algeciras Conference, shows King
Edward
playing billiards (?) with six balls The four balls in line with the cue
are Italy, France,Russia and Serbia; Serbia the first in motion strikes
Austria, which puts Germany into action. This amazing forecast of the war was
correct save for England, which has no ball in the game, though King Edward
is the player.
"Hm! Der Ball will iiberlegt sein! Direkt werde ich ihn nicht machen konnen."
["This is a difficult shot; I cannot make it direct."]
_____
We are all familiar with the quick succession of events that followed
Austria's ultimatum to Servia and Servia's reply; how on July 25th the
Russian army was mobilized and warning was sent to Germany. It will be
remembered that on July 30th, the Kaiser called on Russia to halt
mobilization within twenty-four hours—a warning unheeded by Russia—which was
followed by Germany's declaration of war on August 1st. On the next day
Germany invaded France after the seizure of Luxemburg and three days later
England declared war on Germany; the Kaiser's army had now reached Liege and
had crossed the French border near Mars-la-Tour.
The moves paraphrased in the preceding pages are plain to everybody; in the
following pages I propose to detail some of the hidden moves of the Triple
Entente conspiracy.
In January, 1907, there were important movements and events taking place in
some of the departments of France (for instance, around Toulon, Brest,
Creuzot), and it was my duty to find out what exactly was happening and also
to find out their connection with the intelligence obtained throughout the
year previous in Paris, Brussels, and Copenhagen. I therefore obtained a, new
letter from the British Embassy, Paris, addressed to all the British consular
officers in France, and went and visited the ones I wanted. Through them I
was introduced to the prefects (heads of departments). Tact, amiability,
bonhomie, shrewdness, and a good bottle of a favorite wine over a fine dinner
unloosened the tongue of all these high functionaries. What I did not learn
from them I learned from the arsenal officials. And what was this?
France was making energetic preparations for a war with Germany. That's it!
Not preparation, but preparations for a war with Germany which can be
verified from the records at the ministry of war and navy. The preparations
and this is important to remember—were undertaken on a plan of a joint action
with Great Britain. The steps taken at Brest and Toulon, for instance, the
schemes elaborated and carried into effect, were based on the understanding
that England would look after the northern coasts of France. Grey admitted so
much himself in 1914, although the arrangement, as he wants us to believe,
was entered into in 1912.
I maintain and I know my subject, tentative arrangements to this effect were
discussed and accepted in 1906. Indeed, the whole campaign, both in its
offensive and defensive tactics, now carried out in Flanders by the
Anglo-French forces was being discussed in Aldershot between General Sir John
French and a French military mission. In subsequent years these plans were
elaborated and finally fixed. In 1906 Sir John French was given leave of
absence on condition that he would go to France to learn French, which he
did, for even then he was designated as the commander-in-chief of the
expeditionary forces against Germany. Will Sir Edward Grey dare deny this?
But for the sake of argument, let us admit that Grey is right. That the
arrangement dates from 1912, the date of those letters exchanged with M.
Cambon. Why did he not notify the Cabinet of those letters, say at the next
cabinet meeting after their exchange but waited till 1914? Much interesting
light can be shed on this point by my proposed committee.
The secrets of the French Foreign Office that M. Legrange had finally
divulged and which had reached me at Brussels confirmed my investigations in
two other diplomatic centers. The gist of it all was, that King Edward, after
his visit to his beloved Paris of unforgettable memories, undertook to
negotiate with Alfonso of Spain, thereby securing an extension of the chain
of ententes. Unsuccessful in this, he tried to understand why it was he could
not secure Spain's benevolent attitude. He had not learned the first primer
lesson of diplomacy and espionage—verify your internal politics either church
or state.
He did not realize that the Catholics in Spain were too powerful and they
would not permit the country actively to assist the anti-Catholic French
republic. Germany, besides, had a great influence at the Vatican, through her
ally Austria-Hungary and on account of the far-reaching policy steadily
pursued by the Kaiser William II towards the Vatican—even though his own
people misunderstood and disliked his policy. Indeed, the scheme of launching
an anti-Catholic propaganda in Spain was touched upon in Paris it was
rejected by Edward VII upon the grounds that it might either reestablish the
Carlists in Spain, or bring about a republic, to both of which he was opposed
on political and dynastic grounds. His niece, Princess Ena of Battenberg, is
Queen of Spain. It was considered sufficient to have a definite understanding
from Spain that during the coming European War she would not disturb the
peace in Morocco, but would abide by the Franco-Spanish Treaty of 1904. An
agreement was signed in May between France, England, and Spain.
Secondly, it was decided to gain Italy's active support for the contemplated
war, although it was considered advisable that Italy should continue to
remain a member of the Triple Alliance.
I must say that it was very difficult to secure this on account of
French-Italian antagonistic in-terests in the Mediterranean and in North
Africa. France was urged by Edward to hasten the com-pletion of arrangements
then pending between France and Japan. In his schemes Japan would look after
the Germans in China and in the Pacific—though this was kept a profound
secret. Not even France was informed of these arrange-ments, carried out
faithfully by Japan in the present war; because Edward VII feared if Rus-sia
knew of the arrangements the Anglo-Russian agreement, so near accomplishment,
might be in- definitely postponed; and, secondly, England feared that the
United States would then be suspicious—the last thing they desired.
England was willing to hand over Persia to Russia and the Far East to Japan
in order to smash Germany. And I go further and say that the British
Ambassador in Japan warned the British government that in the coming conflict
Japan would seize China. His objections and warnings were brushed aside,
Edward remarking:
"First we must deal with Germany—we must have Japan's help for that. If then
the yellows get too strong, we shall deal with them." He actually used the
expression "les jaunes."
He was bent on one purpose and one purpose only—to isolate Germany and then
break up the Confederation of the German Empire. Lord Salisbury—when at the
head of Foreign Affairs—coined a very significant phrase. He used to say to
his subordinates: "Consult large maps." Now, it must be admitted, Edward
consulted "large maps." His conception was all embracing, his vision extended
far and wide, no material fact or factor escaped his attention. He looked
round and he beheld Austria-Hungary torn by internal 'strife and "nationality
questions." What a fine fruit to pluck—it seemed all but ripe for it. He
casts his eyes there. Studiously he courted Austria-Hungary in order to
detach her from Germany, and Hungary in order to detach her from Austria.
Every method was tried—persuasion, cajolery, and the big stick (Russia)
against the monarchy, the southern Slavs against Hungary.
Nearer home, he beheld little Belgium. What a splendid situation
geographically to turn the German armies invading France; what an opportunity
to strike Germany at her vitals: Westphalia. Such an opportunity could not
escape the eyes of him, "whose only thought was the promotion of peace."
Concurrently with these "peaceful". schemes the naval and military forces of
England, France and Russia were to be reorganized. One remark! These schemes
and proposals were not turned out as it were—hard and fast at one secret
sitting, during one visit of the King to Paris. Oh, no! for more than six
years these schemes were discussed and carried out, "unofficially" between
London and Paris, Paris and St. Petersburg, London and St. Petersburg, etc.
Edward got busy. In April (1907) he started his cruise in the Mediterranean,
he met Alfonso and Emmanuel. He was entirely successful with Alfonso, but
there were difficulties with Italy, which formed the subject of many
negotiations, and which were only removed this year amidst the real dangers
of defeat at the hands of the Germans.
In March, a Russian squadron visited England—the sailors were feted; a hint
to the people of England of the coming Anglo-Russian Agreement, of the
precise nature of which they were ignorant, and had they understood would
have heartily disapproved. On the other hand, there were influential
committees in England and Germany—backed by public opinion, sincerely
striving to bring about an understanding between the two countries, but this
commendable object wasdeliberately defeated by Edward VII, Sir Edward Grey,
and the others.
This year (1907) saw indeed the development of Edward's schemes. In June and
July a series of agreements and conventions were signed between France and
Japan, and Russia and Japan. In August, France thought she might proceed one
step further in Morocco and provided "incidents" to bombard Casablanca.
England in the same month embarked on military reforms. The agitation paid
with English and Russian and French gold was beginning to be busy in
Hungary—the Hungarian government arrested fifty-three of their victims for
high treason. The last day of the month of August the Triple Entente became
an accomplished fact. The Anglo-Russian agreement was signed—to the
imperishable shame of Great Britain and to the memory of Edward VII and his
henchmen—as history will unerringly testify. For it meant the strangulation
of Persia, a "small nation," it caused the Balkan Wars, and the present world
conflict.
Edward VII was taking the cure at Marienbad—in Austria-Hungary. There Edward
kept his "court." Statesmen came and statesmen went, Marienbad was the center
of the world-wide conspiracy. Edward was a great stage manager, in addition
to his other qualities. On the 2nd of September it was, if I remember
rightly. He invited to dinner in his apartments at the Hotel Weimar in
Marienbad the Grand Duke Alexandrovitch of Russia and Monsieur Crozier,
French Ambassador in Vienna.
During dinner, when the Stimmung of all three was happy, in comes one of his
adjutants, bringing him official news of the crowning of his work—the signing
of the Anglo-French Agreement; A momentous achievement. There, in that
comparatively small room in Marienbad, three persons over an exquisite dinner
receive news, destined to change the face of the world, with hilarity,
pleasure, and with exultation over the results to be realized within seven
years! But such is hatred. It dims the vision, it corrupts, the senses.
"C'est le premier pas, mon cher Guillaumel" exclaimed Edward. Three days
afterwards—watch the staging of it—Mr. Isvolsky, Russian Foreign Minister,
who the day before arrived in Karlsbad, motors over to Marienbad to see
Edward VII. Count Pahlen of the Russian Foreign Office accompanied him. This
visit was intended to intimidate Austria-Hungary. "My dear fellow, you see
who we are, you had better make up your mind." A demonstration against
Austria-Hungary on her own hospitable soil. Between Edward and Isvolsky
schemes were discussed, which we shall see blossoming forth in 1908, and
will, consequently, discuss them there. Before we leave the year 1907, I
should like to point out a remarkable "coincidence" and relate a remarkable
"episode." The coincidence is, that almost concurrently with the signing of
the Anglo-Russian Agreement, the Tzar's officer, Colonel Liakhoff, bombarded
the Persian Parliament in Teheran.
Celeste was gone! For this and other reasons, which will be obvious to the
reader, Monsieur Legrange ceased to be of any interest or usefulness to me. I
devised a nice little scheme to "capture" another official at the French
Foreign Office. In this scheme the following personages were dramatis
personae:
Lord Edmund Fitzmaurice, Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.
Sir William Tyrrel, Sir Edward Grey's principal private secretary.
Mr. Ponsonby—Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman's (Prime Minister's) principal
private secretary.
Sir Francis Bertie, British Ambassador in Paris.
The Hon. Reginald Lister of the British Embassy in Paris with the rank of
minister.
Mr. Louis, head of the political department of the Foreign Office in Paris
(and later French Ambassador in St. Petersburg). The incident was as follows:
I wanted to establish connections with a new official of the French Foreign
Office. This, however, was not easy, for the following reason: It was easy,
because natural, to establish connection with the French Foreign Office at
the commencement of my investigation for Mr. Rowntree. Sir Edward Grey asked
Sir Francis Bertie to do all he could for me. I wanted to have introductions
to various ministries. Now, diplomatic etiquette forbids that any ambassador
should officially correspond or have any official intercourse with any
ministry save with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Consequently at the
commencement of my work, the British Embassy officially introduced me to the
French Foreign Office, requesting them to assist me in any mission. The
French Foreign Office then officially introduced me to any of the ministries
I wanted.
After about a lapse of a year and a half when I had connections with all, I
could not ask the British Ambassador to introduce me to a person in the
French Foreign Office. He would have replied that I was known there and hence
no need for new introductions. Quite right, and yet I wanted my new victim to
see that I was somebody, so that he should not be afraid of discussing vital
matters with me. I, therefore, devised the following method. I went up to the
Embassy and asked them to give me a letter to the Foreign Office and so
support my request for a set of statistical books of the French Government.
They declined; if I wanted books, I should buy them. Surely Mr. Rowntree, who
spends so much money on his investigation, will not mind spending a mere $100
for books. I retorted that that was quite right. But if we should buy all the
official statistical books we needed we would easily spend some few thousand
dollars. The Belgian Government had readily placed at our disposal all their
official publications—realizing that the work I was doing will greatly
benefit them.
They replied all, right; that I should go and ask the Minister concerned and
I would, no doubt, get the books. I said that I was told by some subordinate
officials in two or three ministries that they could not give official books
free to a private person. Consequently I repeated my request that the Embassy
should ask for them for me. I persisted, so at last they said they would
place the matter before Sir Francis Bertie. He declined to do it. I returned
to London and wrote a letter in Mr. Rowntree's name, to Lord Edmund
Fitzmaurice (brother of Lord Lansdowne), protesting against the discourtesy.
I put the matter before him and said that I would call at the House of
Parliament for his reply. Sir William Tyrrel, Sir Edward Grey's private
secretary, saw me and told me they would write to Sir Francis Bertie on the
matter. On my next visit to Paris I called at the Embassy—but I was told that
Sir Francis Bertie could not see his way clear to grant my request. I,
however, made up my mind that I must press the matter for the sake of getting
a new official letter from the Embassy to the French Foreign Office. I
returned to London and worked Mr. Rowntree up into indignation. This was the
assistance he was to expect from the Government for all the valuable work he
had done. We must teach Sir Francis Bertie a lesson, I said. For the sake of
future contingencies he must be forced to actively assist me.
Mr. Rowntree agreed and told me he would leave it in my hands to do what I
thought necessary. I went to the House of Commons and saw Mr. Percy Alden,
M.P. Mr. Alden was well known to me and I to him. He entered Parliament in
1906 as an Ultra-Radical. He was under various obligations to Mr. Rowntree;
for one thing, Mr. Rowntree partly financed him in his election of 1906.
Further, Mr. Alden was deeply interested in social reforms and economic
questions. He was also persona grata with the Prime Minister, Sir Henry
Campbell-Bannerman. So I told him in indignant tones my complaint and asked
him to see the Prime Minister himself. Sir Francis Bertie, I said, must be
told that the Governments are deeply interested in Mr. Rowntree's work—which
indeed they were—and consequently he must do as I requested him. Mr. Alden
immediately saw the Prime Minister and came back with the message that Mr.
Ponsonby has been instructed to see the Foreign Office and to see that
instructions should immediately' be sent to Sir Francis Bertie as I desired.
It was done. I arrived in Paris, called at the Embassy—how I was received, I
shall never forget. I sent in my card; out came Mr. Grahame, the third
secretary. I could see they would have preferred to send me where the pepper
grows, but, nilly willy, they, at last, had to do my behest.
"Sir Francis will see you shortly," said Mr. Grahame.
They kept me waiting in that waiting-room for one solid hour—during which I
sent word in three times. At last my patience ran out. I sent in a brisk note
to Mr. Grahame, complaining of the lack of politeness by keeping me so long.
Out came the Hon. Reginald Lister and said, "His Excellency will see you
shortly." He treated me with a cold aloofness and an air of
superiority—positively amusing and comical; the single eyeglass and the twang
were not missing either. These embassy chaps fancy themselves little tin gods
on wheels.
But behold a gorgeously dressed flunkey came in and conducted me to His
Excellency. I went through beautiful corridors, up marvelous stairways,
artistic rooms (Napoleon I. built this palace for one of his sisters), and at
every corner there was a flunkey, who watched me until I got into the optical
sphere of the next. At last I was in the presence of the arch war-maker—Sir
Francis Bertie, of whom the late W. T. Stead said, "If we want to get rid of
the tension in Europe recall Sir Francis Bertie."
It was a rather small room. Sir Francis was seated, the Hon. Reginald Lister
stood beside his chief.
"Well, Mr. Lincoln, I do not see how I can possibly ask the French Government
to grant you books. It is ridiculous."
"But I am sure the French Government will be glad to give them."
"Very well, why not go and ask them?"
"They will not give them to me, but they will if Your Excellency asks for
them."
"That is impossible. The only thing I could do for you is to write a private
letter to Monsieur Louis of the Foreign Office, which you can take to him and
see what he can do."
I was quite satisfied with this proposition.
"You have given us rather much trouble over this matter."
"Your Excellency, the fault is not mine. It could have been settled weeks ago
as well as today."
I bowed and the "audience" was over. Was it worth the candle? some reader may
ask. It may indeed seem a complicated stage play to produce such apparently
insignificant results. But these insignificant looking moves are, after all,
the patient spiderlike web of diplomatic espionage. Having got the letter in
a few minutes, I drove to the Quai d'Orsay. Monsieur Louis (Director of the
Political Department) was not in his office. I was shown to his apartment (he
lived in the Foreign Office). I was very cordially received. I produced my
letter. Of course, he at once promised me all I wanted and advised me to send
him a list of all the official books I wanted grouped according to the
various ministries. He telephoned somewhere and asked some one to come and
see him. A young secretary came, who was told to conduct me to M. B___, the
successor to L___, and to explain to him the whole matter. Meanwhile he said,
turning to me: "I will speak with Monsieur B___ on the telephone."
Monsieur B___ received me as befits a man coming to him from his chief and
from Sir Francis Bertie. I spent with him about an hour, being desirous to
impress him with my importance-which I completely succeeded in doing. I told
him of the investigation I was doing in Belgium and France of the active
interest and support of the British Government of which he had tangible proof
just then and there. It was agreed that I should send him a complete list of
all the books and he will have them collected from the ministries concerned.
"Where shall I send them?" he queried. I was just on the point of giving him
Mr. Rowntree's address in England when a splendid idea crossed my mind.
"Send them to the British Embassy for me—they will forward them to us in
England."
I returned to the Embassy and told Mr. Grahame. He was quite beside himself.
"We cannot turn the Embassy into a packing office or express company for
you." I said it was too late now to alter the dispositions. And so it
remained. Hundreds of books were sent to the Embassy. They were there packed
and expressed to England. But my relations with the British Embassy became
very strained—I have not been there since. What is and was, however, of
greater importance, I established connections with M. B___ with all the
distinction and ceremony I desired. Indeed before I left him—I had invited
him to dinner. I kept up my connection with him until 1911—and derived much
benefit for which I herewith return thanks. As to the books I do not think we
used them altogether ten minutes. Isn't that correct, Mr. Rowntree?
THE YEAR 1908
The tension between England and Germany has reached almost the breaking point
with the inevitable corollary of war clouds, scares, and increased armaments.
Before disclosing and revealing Edward's schemes in their more advanced stage
I should like to make one or two observations.
As long as there existed in Europe only the Triple-Alliance (Germany,
Austria, Italy) and the Dual Alliance (Russia and France) there were no war
scares and dangerous tensions. In other words, as long as the Dual Alliance,
was opposed by the, stronger Triple Alliance there was peace in Europe.
Indeed, as I pointed out, Germany and France got on well, sometimes very well
together—equally Russia and Germany, and Russia and Austria. The two latter
could even bring their naturally antagonistic policies on the Balkans into
line (Agreement of 1897 and the Murzsteg Program of 1903 testify to this).
But as soon as Edward the VII inaugurated his entente cordiales, peace
departed from Europe. This is an incontrovertible fact and no amount of
sophistry about "German militarism" can do away with this all-important fact.
When further, the Entente Cordiale was extended into a Triple Entente, and
when these three Powers thought (for they were convinced of this) that the
Triple Entente was stronger than the Triple Alliance, Europe and the world
lived under a peace which in reality was a wax only in degree different from
actual warfare on the battlefields. From the time Sir Edward Grey and his
satellites carried out their policy of isolating Germany, there was perpetual
and acute tension between England and Germany; Russia and Germany; Russia and
Austria; Austria and Servia.
Is this not an absolute fact?
I disclosed the undercurrents of British scheming and diplomacy during 1907;
it is now my duty to reveal their development and poisonous results in 1908.
Austria-Hungary saw and knew what was going on—she saw and knew that an
impending shock was being prepared in the Balkans. Aerenthal, the able and
far-seeing Minister of Austria-Hungary, was neither willing to be bribed nor
cajoled away from the side of Germany, or afraid to face the issues. On the
27th of January, 1908, he announced to the Austro-Hungarian delegations
(joint session of Austro-Hungarian deputies) that he hoped soon to obtain the
Sultan's consent to a proposal to extend the Austro-Hun-garian railways to
Mitrovitza. Although this was perfectly admissible under article 25 of the
Berlin Treaty, Russia, supported by England and France, made a great noise
and declared that it was contrary to the Austro-Russian Balkan understanding
of 1897 and 1903. That may be, but those and all other understandings and
upon which the peace of Europe solidly rested were being torn to pieces
secretly by England, Russia, and France. As soon as this conspiracy was
revealed and because those who found them out took steps which they
considered necessary for the safeguarding of their interests, the Triple
Entente was angry and disappointed.
As then, so now. The Triple Entente thought they were ready for the war in
August, 1914,[1] having prepared for it during seven years. But when actual
warfare demonstrated their inefficiency-they blame Germany for doing
efficiently what they also meant to do efficiently but could not. The reply
of Russia to Aerenthal's declaration was a proposal to submit the issues to
Europe. Please pause here for a moment. When England and France made a treaty
in 1904 about Morocco and Egypt-they handed over Morocco, an independent
country, to France without reference to anybody, and when Germany objected
and demanded that the question be referred to the Signatory Powers of the
Madrid Treaty of 1880 relating to Morocco, Germany is charged with being the
marplot of the world.
[1. Vide speeches of Grey, Asquith, and Churchill in England, Suchomlinoff
and Sazonoff in Russia and Poincare and Viviani in France at the outbreak of
the war.]
When England and Russia sign away in 1907 the independence of Persia, nothing
is said. Not only is Europe not invited to express an opinion, but the
country most directly concerned, Persia, is not consulted at all. England
gives to Russia the north of Persia, Russia gives to England the south of
Persia, and both create a neutral middle Persia, for one does not and cannot
trust the other, and the agreement is binding. But when Austria-Hungary
obtains from the Sultan of Turkey—an independent sovereign of an independent
country—a railway concession, the proposal is blocked by the Triple Entente
by the subtle plea to submit it to a conference of the Powers. Of course, as
we have seen, Russia had political design on the Balkans and the Bear was
anxious that the Balkans might not be strengthened commercially and
politically and so become a prey to his insatiable greed!
What a mean, despicable role France played in all these. intrigues! France of
lofty ideals, demo-cratic precepts, the home of the "rights of man," says yes
and amen to whatever pleases Russia. Such is blind hatred and wilful
ignorance! But Downing Street was jubilant. Edward saw his opportunity to
drive a wedge between Russia and
Austria. Why? To strain the relations between Germany and Russia and so
intimidate Austria-Hungary. Watch now the game. Grey addresses on the 3rd of
March a memorial to the Powers, proposing very radical reforms for Macedonia.
Wonderful! This tender consideration for the Macedonian peasants! And timely,
very timely. These proposals were like a torch to a powder magazine. They
were meant to reopen the whole Balkan question, bring into relief the
antagonism between Russia and Austria on the one hand and Turkey and Europe
on the other, besides stirring up the ever-latent jealousies of the petty
Balkan States. This is how diplomats of Sir Edward Grey's stamp work for the
peace of Europe. Of course, Grey knew what he did and what his steps might
lead to, vide: on the 18th and 20th of March new navy orders were issued by
the Admiralty, whilst plans were hastily prepared and steps taken (according
to arrangements previously mentioned) to land 166,000 troops on the Continent.
On the 31st of March, Haldane's army reform comes into effect, providing the
above expeditionary force and 315,000 territorials for home defense. I was in
Brussels at this time. I remember visiting Monsieur Brezey in his office at
the Ministry, discussing this artificially created Macedonian trouble. It was
toward the 17th of March. M. Brezey said to me:
"I am willing to bet you, Mr. Lincoln, that we shall soon have new Macedonian
proposals from Russia. Say a good bottle of Burgundy."
"Aha!" I jokingly remarked. "You have got advance information and want to
tease me into a bottle."
"No, I have not got any advance information on this point, but I see the
game, don't you?"
"You know, Mr. Brezey, that I am always willing to learn; what is your
horoscope?"
"Why, it is perfectly clear! England wants to push Russia ahead in the
Balkans in order to push Austria back."
I subsequently learned from Brezey that this was substantially correct. The
Belgian Minister in London reported it to Brussels and wrote that Grey said:
"Russia cannot be less concerned for the welfare of Macedonia and the Balkans
than we are." The prediction of Brezey was fulfilled within a few days. On
the 26th of March, Russia addressed to all the Powers concerned proposals for
Macedonian reforms more advanced than any hitherto emanating from joint
Austro-Russian action. The Austro-Russian-Balkan understanding, so carefully
preserved by Count Goluchovsky when Foreign Minister of Austria-Hungary, was
broken and publicly advertised to the whole world.
Great Britain, France, and Italy with undue haste adhered to the Russian
proposals without comment or restrictions. This should not come as a surprise
to those readers who have attentively and with an impartial mind followed my
narrative hitherto. Indeed, these three Powers knew of the proposals before
they officially received them. Germany and Austria knew what these English
and Russian proposals meant. They also knew what was intended by them and
above all they knew of all the remarks Edward VII made about the whole
affair. They decided to be on the alert, to watch and wait. They declared
their consent to these proposals with certain reservations. This happened in
April. Edward VII was bent on mischief. He advocated and carried a
policy-submitted it to his inner council-to drive matters to a head.
"Austria-Hungary cannot and will not fight—we shall gain a great diplomatic
victory." It was decided to make a public demonstration of solidarity between
the Entente Powers. Edward thought he would bluff Germany and Austria-Hungary
into submission. He was so convinced of the superior strength of his Triple
Entente—that he spoke of and treated Germany with scorn. "Quelle surprise
pour Guillaume!" he commented on his forthcoming meeting with the President
of the French Republic and the Tzar of all the Russias.
"Quelle surprise!" Did he really think that Germany was taken
by surprise by his petty machinations? I was completely informed of the
pourparlers in London and Paris and learned that both Governments desired to
make a demon-stration. The meeting took place in June; the toasts exchanged
spoke of "strengthening the en-tente and rendering it more permanent." This
was a clear intimation to Germany that the Entente gave way to an Alliance.
Let my proposed commission look through the files at the Foreign Office
containing resumes and memoranda of im-portant conversations between Edward
and Grey, Grey and the French Ambassador, the secret despatches that—were
sent out to the oft-mentioned embassies, and they will find that whilst the
ma-jority of the English people and certainly the majority of the House of
Commons were desirous of establishing friendship between England and Germany,
Edward VII and Grey—unknown to them and unknown to the majority of the
Cabinet—drove further and further their deliberate anti--German policy.
--[cont]--
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
Omnia Bona Bonis,
All My Relations.
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
Kris
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