I found the approach in the write-up very commendable. But it should have been written/published earlier when the blame game was at its height. Still, better late than never.
ranenkumar goswami <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote: Pitfalls of identity politics Hiren Gohain Nobody can question the depth of Tagores patriotism, but it is not widely known that he also condemned nationalism in the most vehement terms. The setting up of ones own nation or group as the ultimate criterion for judgment on all things human was a serious aberration in his eyes. After decades of experience of Bengali and Assamese chauvinism we can now realise the truth of his view. lt seems various other groups in the North-East are going to learn the same lesson the hard way unless good sense prevails. A columnist in another Daily has recently made a passionate plea in support of the current militant movement of the Adivasis in Assam. That is a commendable public gesture. What, however, is not so gratifying is her unqualified condemnation of the Assamese as the dominant group that is repressing the hopes and aspirations of the Adivasis, seen as their victims. She has mentioned the shameful incident at Beltola as a piece of clinching evidence for her argument. The columnist has not cared to notice that the conscious elite of the allegedly dominant group burst into full-throated denunciation of the outrage perpetrated by miscreants on the Adivasis at Beltola, and that the permanent residents of the area held a meeting to express their anguish over an incident which had taken them unawares soon after. Nor does she seem to be aware that the atrocities had at least in part been a wild response to gross provocation and destructive behaviour from a section of the agitators. The strange failure of the police to respond immediately to the situation developing within a short distance from the police station, which led to scenes such as humiliating a girl by publicly disrobing her is also regarded by her as typical behaviour of the dominant group. By interesting coincidence the same view was broadcast far and wide by several metropolitan national channels on TV with the haziest notion of the facts on the ground. There can be little doubt that such omissions distort the general picture drawn by the columnist. Such is the way in which liberal humane sentiments of many ardent supporters of various identity movements without a clear idea of the actual complexity of the issue betray them into a dangerous distortion of the public issues. They do not seem to realise that in a mixed and composite population, meeting the extreme demands of an ethnic movement may not always be a sound solution of its problem, but may in fact destroy for ever a fragile peace to the utter misery of all. The identity politics so fervently pursued these days by different ethnic groups is marked by a one-sided perception of their grievances. There is no denying the fact that the present political structures in the State and the country as a whole have left such ethnic groups in a wretched plight, robbing them both of the scope for equitable development and their dignity as equal citizens of the State. But it is not always correct, and adequate, to say that a particular dominant group must be held accountable for all their trouble. For example in Assam today the Assamese are only minimally responsible for the terrible hardships suffered by the Adivasis, as we shall see later on. lf at all they are responsible, only the political elite and not the entire community has anything to do with it. For a full century before 1947 Assam affairs were controlled absolutely by British rulers who were guided in their administration primarily by their colonial interests and not by any concern for the indigenous communities. Further, in their short-sighted greed for gain they buried landmines under the soil of this region by permitting and promoting unchecked immigration of alien elements in immense numbers solely in the interest of their colonial economy. Such communities, to put it bluntly, cannot claim historically the same status as indigenous groups in the determination of the fate of the State. The indigenous people, being in the grip of panic over their own existence as independent communities are unlikely to concede the right of self-determination to the immigrants. This however, is not to say that the immigrants have not suffered deep injuries and indignities from the social and political set-up of the State. For more than a century now the Adivasis have been immured inside tea-plantations by a planter Raj that could not care less about the woeful plight of lakhs of Adivasis and other communities recruited enmasse from famine-stricken and rebellious population of Bengal, Orissa, Bihar, Chotanagpur and Andhra Pradesh. Profit of tea industry was the only thing that mattered... They were uprooted from their familiar habitat and dragooned into barrack-like labour lines, where an unvarying pattern of livelihood was imposed on them, where their freedom of movement was extremely restricted, where they were denied most basic facilities for education and medical care, where for low wages and subsidised but nutritionally deficient rations they were made to drudge all day long sapping their health and strength, and where they were at the mercy of management for social discipline formerly in their own hands. Until after independence they could claim no pension and provident fund benefits . Epidemics decimated them which after decades forced the planters to sponsor a medical school at Dibrugarh simply to train physicians. Following independence, thanks to the sincere and dedicated work, by such Assamese Gandhian leaders as Omeo Kumar Das and Bijoy Chandra Bhagavati, PF and pension benefits were introduced for the first time. The Plantation Labour Act also promised to deliver various kinds of welfare to them, but the responsibility was shifted from the shoulders of the Government to planters who were not too concerned about the quality of services provided. Schools were for the most party empty, and labourers were blamed for it. Deaths from gastro-enteritis were a common annual occurrence and sometimes the numbers were frightening. No wonder the tea tribes, as they came to be called, languished in poverty, torpor and fatalism, which rather than oppression by the Assamese explain their present desperate plight. The plantation-system with its rank inbuilt injustice was a colonial innovation. Following independence, the system survived more or less intact as it was at the very basis of the high profits of the industry. British concern for constant improvement of productivity suffered a slow decline as the new owners had not been accustomed to an industrial ethos. Most of the new owners were non-Assamese as few had the financial resources to buy up plantations as the British, with some exceptions, started leaving the scene. As for improvement in wages the new breed of trade union leaders gradually developed vested interest in striking deals with planters behind the backs of labourers, unlike their Gandhian predecessors. They became official intermediaries between management and labour in wage-bargains and pulled their weight in favour of the former. Hence the general condition of tea-garden labour remained rather stagnant. Only a small proportion of such workers who had been laid off and their descendants took to farming. From among them mostly came the handful of educated members of the community, who fought against heavy odds and virtually pulled themselves up by their bootstraps. They not only did well for themselves but dedicated themselves to preserving their cultural heritage and spreading the message of progress and education among their less fortunate compatriots. They also made significant contribution to Assamese literature thanks to their education in Assamese-medium schools.. The social and economic condition of the common masses of this community remain so abysmally poor that in these highly competitive times the OBC status gives them no advantage in the race for development and welfare. Hence their desperate clamour for ST status, the main demand of the movement. Significantly, the agitating youths often express deep resentment against their own political leaders who form a sizable block in the political leadership of the State. Here, class may well have overcome the pull of community! The condition of the Adivasis settled in forest villages (a category of settlements in reserved forests, where in lieu of revenue certain types of unpaid labour was exacted) was even worse. With the rise in population and family-size the original grant of revenue free land proved woefully inadequate in meeting the needs of bare subsistence, and they hopelessly watched their grown-up daughters being sold to brothels. However, this cursed legacy of the colonial system was by no means a product of Assamese devilry, though they certainly did not do much to do away with it. Given such circumstances it is hardly a wonder that the great majority of the members of this community have begun to feel a sense of alienation from the so-called mainstream. Certain elements in the leadership have begun to advocate a separate identity and destiny for their people. They may have middle-class aspirations driving them, but it will be a folly to underestimate the general bitterness. While many of the leaders desire an honourable place for the community in the greater Assamese society, some are pushing a new agenda of separate development. They have the support of certain churches, of a small but vocal ultra-left group and, perhaps, certain lobbies in the Union Home Department. For instance there is a call to re-christen themselves as Jharkhandis, though many of their forefathers had not come from that region at all. Opportunist elements in major political parties, concerned with votes more than genuine progress of the masses, also lend their support. Such a trend is bound to lead at some stage for territorial claims which are bound to play havoc with the territorial integrity of the state, with further consequences to the detriment of peace and progress in this region. Language being the unfailing mark of a common identity, some elements in the forefront of the movement feel called upon to lay claims to a separate language for the community. But composed as they are of people of diverse origins,though forcibly united within the boundaries of plantations, there could not have been an original common language. It is true that common patterns of livelihood, proximity and cultural exchange has helped develop common linguistic traits. But it is perhaps too early to call it a full-fledged language. It seems that while the Saadri language of Jharkhand is easily understood by Adivasis of lower and middle Assam, upper Assam Adivasis are more at home in Assamese as a common language. It is evident that for a considerable length of time for purposes of education and official communication they may have to depend on Assamese. Unfortunately, the columnist argues that the Assamese are forcing their language down the throats of unwilling Adivasis. It is a clear misrepresentation of the facts of the case. It is true that Adivasi children find it difficult to master Assamese, particularly because Assamese textbooks refer to things that are unfamiliar and obscure to them, and by writing Assamese textbooks filled with their festivals, customs etc in words familiar to them their progress in education can be accelerated. What is more, it must be remembered that the main problem so far is not textbooks but lack of schools and teachers. Pupils in Kamrup and Golapara in late 19th and early 20th century also found standard Assamese tough going, but it did not impede their progress in education. Let me repeat that other things being equal the demand for education in mother-tongue is in principle justified. But in a complex and concrete situation where there is a conflict among different needs and interests we have to settle for a compromise in detail while upholding in principle the general goals of democratic dignity and equitable development of citizens. There are people watching behind the scenes who might prefer a different scenario. But we are hardly prepared to oblige them by sacrificing the peace and harmony of people of this region. The Assam Tribune, February 20, 2008 Chat on a cool, new interface. No download required. Go to http://in.messenger.yahoo.com/webmessengerpromo.php _______________________________________________ assam mailing list assam@assamnet.org http://assamnet.org/mailman/listinfo/assam_assamnet.org Uttam Kumar Borthakur --------------------------------- Save all your chat conversations. 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