-Caveat Lector-

Credibility Chasm

By Robert Parry
June 4, 2001

During the Vietnam War, the U.S. government’s rosy forecasts of progress
created what was called a “credibility gap.” Today, just four-plus months
into office, George W. Bush and his allies are running a similar risk of
relying so heavily on propaganda and imagery that the public might stop
believing them.

Yet, Bush and his team seem determined to push the edges, apparently in
the belief that the national news media will continue to print whatever they
say without skepticism or challenge. It's less clear how the American
people will respond.

In recent days, Bush tried to counter heavy criticism of his environmental
policies by posing before giant sequoia trees; Senate Republican Leader
Trent Lott complained about a "coup" against democracy; and Bush's
press secretary Ari Fleischer insisted that the public trust him when he says
departing Clinton officials left "pornographic" messages on White House
telephones and committed other vandalism.

Lott's complaint came in a memo to GOP activists on Friday when the
Mississippi Republican framed his call for a political "war" against
Democrats in terms of Republicans defending the principles of democracy.


In particular, Lott lashed out at Sen. Jim Jeffords of Vermont for defecting
from the Republicans to become an independent and thus tipping control of
the Senate to the Democrats.

“We must ensure that the decision by Senator Jeffords is accurately
portrayed, now and for history,” Lott wrote. “It was a ‘coup of one’ that
subverted the will of the American voters who elected a Republican
majority.” [NYT, June 3, 2001]

Yet, anyone who has followed politics over the past six months would know
that Lott's premise is wrong and his facts are inaccurate.

The American people did not elect a Republican majority to the Senate. In
2000, the voters erased a 55-45 Republican majority, leaving the Senate
divided 50-50 with the GOP control determined by the tie-breaking vote of
Vice President Dick Cheney.

But Cheney was in that position only because the popular will of the
American people to elect Al Gore as president and Joe Lieberman as vice
president was itself thwarted -- by the vagaries of the Electoral College, a
botched election in Florida, and an unprecedented decision by five
Republican justices on the U.S. Supreme Court to halt Florida's recount.

Lost Votes

The Gore-Lieberman ticket carried the national popular vote by more than
a half million votes. Gore and Lieberman also were clearly the choice of the
voters of Florida, though thousands of ballots apparently cast for the
Democrats were thrown out – USA Today estimated the net loss for Gore
and Lieberman at from 15,000 to 25,000, with many of those lost votes
cast by African-Americans and elderly Jews.

Bush and Cheney hung on to their 537-vote margin in Florida – out of the
state's nearly six million votes cast – by having five Republican justices on
the U.S. Supreme Court stop a statewide recount.

To many observers, the actions of the Bush-Cheney campaign looked like
a coup d’etat against the democratic judgment of the American people.
With Bush and Cheney claiming the White House, the GOP also got control
of the Senate.

In Lott’s revised history, however, it is Jeffords who has engaged in a coup
by tipping the majority in the Senate to the Democrats. Lott wrote that GOP
activists faced “a moral obligation to restore the integrity of our
democracy.”

A Compliant Press

Still, Republicans may have good reason to be confident that the national
press corps will present the history as the Bush administration wishes.
Through George W. Bush’s first four months in the White House, media
commentators have lavished praise on his performance, especially in
contrast to the Clinton administration.

This media favoritism was underscored again on Sunday when The
Washington Post devoted another front-page article to the still-
uncorroborated allegations of Bush spokesman Ari Fleischer, condemning
Clinton aides for vandalizing the White House before Inauguration Day.

The Post, which initially promoted these charges in January, gave Fleischer
a new shot after he gave the newspaper a list of more detailed charges that
he had constructed from "recollections" of officials now working for the
Bush administration. The Post treated these allegations as if they were
credible although they were accompanied by no hard evidence. [WP, June
3, 2001]

By contrast, when two independent reviews – by the General Services
Administration and the General Accounting Office – found no evidence to
support the allegations, the Post stuck a wire story on page A13.
Fleischer’s new details, however, were enough for the Post to take up the
Bush accusations again.

"Pornographic" Greetings

The most dramatic charges leveled by Fleischer were Republican claims
that the Democrats had written “obscene graffiti in six offices” and had left
“pornographic or obscene greetings” on 15 telephone lines. No where in
the article, however, does the Post explain what these “obscene”
messages were.

Nor does the newspaper offer a clue as to what a “pornographic” telephone
greeting might say. Pornography is defined as a "communication intended
to excite lascivious feelings."

The article said nearly all the alleged vandalism on Fleischer's list occurred
in the Old Executive Office Building next to the White House. “The only
incident Fleischer described in the White House itself was a photocopier in
the West Wing that had pictures of naked people interspersed with blank
photocopy paper so deep in the tray that they were still popping out weeks
after the inauguration,” the Post said.

The newspaper offered no further description of the alleged photo, nor did
the Post indicate that its reporters had seen the picture for themselves or
even asked to see it. It also was unclear how the Bush administration would
know that the pictures, allegedly appearing weeks later, were left behind by
officials from the previous administration.

According to most principles of journalism, it is normal to require evidence
before serious allegations are leveled against a group or an individual. In
the absence of evidence, journalists are supposed to state clearly that the
accusing party failed to back up the charges. When there are obvious holes
in the allegations, it is the duty of news organizations to point them out.

Yet, there was only the vaguest impression from the two-page Post article
that the Post made any effort to obtain independent evidence that might
corroborate Fleischer’s charges.

According to the article, the list of abuses was generated from recent
recollections. There was no mention of possible tape recordings of the
allegedly offensive messages and no indication that the Post had followed
the old journalistic rule of “show, don’t tell” in requiring Fleischer to explain
how the alleged messages were supposedly “pornographic.”

The Post did report that Bush officials released two snapshots of a White
House counsel’s office strewn with trash, but the photos showed no
discernible damage. Presumably, that meant the Bush team had supplied
no other evidence about the “obscene” graffiti, the “pornographic”
messages or any physical damage to equipment or other government
property.

Contrary Findings

The GSA – the government’s housekeeping agency – and the GAO – the
congressional investigative arm – both reported finding no evidence to
support allegations of vandalism.

The GSA said “the condition of the real property was consistent with what
we would expect to encounter when tenants vacate office space after an
extended occupancy.” The GAO said there was “no record of damage that
may have been deliberately caused by the Clinton administration.”

Nevertheless, the Bush administration apparently decided it would take
one more whack at its predecessors with the Post offering little skepticism.


While the Post's handling of these new charges might give Bush officials
encouragement, the longer-term impact of simply demanding that the
public take their word could prove risky.

More and more, Americans seem to be looking skeptically at the claims
coming out of the new administration – on the environment, defense,
economics and ethics. If that continues, George W. Bush and his allies
could be digging a “credibility chasm” – one that might not be bridged even
with the help of friendly or credulous journalists.

In the 1980s, Robert Parry broke many of the Iran-contra stories for The
Associated Press and Newsweek.


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