Why farmers can get no labour
http://specials.rediff.com/news/2008/may/29sld01.htm

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The co-existence of labour shortage and unemployment has long
confounded economists. Currently, it is confounding Indian farmers.
Not just in Punjab and Haryana or 'forward' south India, but over
large swathes of Uttar Pradesh, Uttarkhand, Rajasthan and Bihar.
Contrary to conventional perception, it's not just skill-oriented
sectors like IT or business or the construction sector (which demands
semi-skilled workers) that are affected by the global labour crunch.
Agriculture is hard hit and again, it is not just the big farmers who
are affected. Smallholders and middle-level farmers are also
concerned.

Some farmers describe shortage of local labour during harvest and
sowing as their most serious problem. Others say it ranks just after
water as a farming constraint and could well impact agriculture by
forcing changes in cropping patterns, catalyzing across the board
increases in the price of agricultural commodities and encouraging
absentee landlordism.

In Punjab and Haryana, the problem acquired urgency this year when the
traditional train-loads of labour from Bihar failed to show up,
delaying wheat harvesting and hay-making. Labour is always tight
during the rabi harvest, but this year, the shortage was
unprecedented. Given Punjab's high rate of urbanisation and seasonal
demand for labour, farm wages have attracted workers from Bihar and
Jharkhand for decades. Some are attached labourers or permanent
employees but most are circular migrants. This year, the latter
preferred to stay home or go elsewhere -- despite a 75 per cent
increase in wages over last year!

In Rajasthan, labour ranks with water on the list of must-haves.
Farmer Man Singh of Jaipur had to hire buses to pick up his
agricultural labourers from Kishangarh in Ajmer during the kharif
harvest season last year and have them dropped back to their homes.
"Every year, it becomes harder to find farm labourers," he says.

In Mandana village of Kota, farmers say they cannot hire labour even
at Rs 150 per day.

In Rudrapur, farmer Bhupinder Singh Johal is looking as far afield as
Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh for farm workers, with no
success. For him, labour shortage is not just seasonal. It is a
perennial problem. He is willing to import tribal families, promising
not just wages but homes and education as well. "It is getting
difficult to carry out labour-intensive activities like manual
cleaning of produce or making of jaggery and sugar," he says. Local
labour has found employment in the burgeoning construction and
industrial sectors.

A similar problem obtains in Kerala, where farmers say labourers could
not be found for love or money during the coffee and spices harvest
season in January and February. 'Labour stress' is generally
experienced during rice planting and harvesting and is getting
progressively acute. Karnataka faces the same constraints. In parts of
Andhra Pradesh, labour shortage is forcing changes in cropping
patterns in favour of non-labour intensive crops. Even farmers in
Bihar's Darbhanga area complained of labour shortage this year.

Labour economists -- who entirely failed to predict the labour
scarcity that slowed down manufacturing in 'labour surplus' China --
are silent on the issue. Some pundits say the National Rural
Employment Guarantee Act scheme is responsible for curbing not only
out-migration of labour, but also removing labour from local
agricultural operations. As a result of the NREGA, the landless or
marginal households in rural areas that traditionally sold their
labour, now have a steady revenue stream at their doorstep which
precludes the need to find work elsewhere.

If so, it is a credit to the implementation of the NREGA, regardless
of audits conducted by sociologists who found substantial 'leakages'
in the funds set aside for the employment guarantee scheme.

It is true that the NREGA has raised the bar as far as daily wages go.
The implementation of the scheme may well require some refining like
adhering to the 100-day employment limit and suspending NREGA during
harvest and sowing seasons. But the shortage of labour predates the
implementation of the NREGA scheme. Labour bottlenecks are regional
and seasonal in nature, but there is little doubt that sociological
factors are playing as important a role as economic ones.

The work ethic in rural areas has changed. For many traditional
farmers, agriculture is not seen as either economically or socially
rewarding. Getting a salaried job is a sign of upward mobility,
whereas tending cattle is about as low as you can get on the social
scale. Agriculture is a good profession only if you are a farm
manager, Punjab-style, rather than a farmer and is just about
acceptable if you are a salaried employee.

Farmers of Kadera village in Jaipur district summed up the problem,
"If a boy is a farmer, it is difficult to marry him off. The girl's
family would want somebody who earns a salary". The contribution of
families to farm activity can no longer be taken for granted and thus,
the farmers are now putting an economic cost to labour.

"There was a time when family members would look after the cattle
themselves. It was a labour of love. Now, only the old people do it,
as the young in the village refuse to have anything to do with the
cowshed. I have to hire labourers to look after the cattle and that
with great difficulty. One man's wages alone cost me Rs 20,000 a year,
plus food. So keeping cattle is becoming uneconomic," explains Man
Singh. Labourers are willing to drive tractors, but not to plough the
field with a pair of oxen, he adds.

The Kadera farmers say the constraint is not merely social contempt
for manual labour, but that the youth are unwilling to take on hard
physical effort. They look for other avenues for income generation.
The aversion to manual labour is particularly pronounced among the
educated. Unemployment rate among rural males is a mere 2 per cent
overall but among the educated, it is 16 per cent.

In Anwa village in Tonk district, farmers explain that the landless
labourers prefer to go to the city to earn wages rather than work in
the fields. This is not surprising, as the wage rates for both regular
and casual workers are much higher in urban than in rural areas.
However, there is a social component. Sending remittances back home
enhances social status. Thus, labourers are willing to work in the
fields in other districts, but not in their own village.

The boom in the construction industry -- which employs 3.3 crore
workers, drawn mostly from the agricultural sector -- has attracted
rural labour, as these projects provide a longer term of employment
that agriculture. Farmers in highly mechanised states like Punjab need
labour for barely 50 days of the year. Prospects of long term
employment are naturally more attractive. Reliable estimates say
infrastructure projects will generate 92 million man years of
employment in the next six years! When smallholders migrate to cities
along with the landless labourers, this creates a problem for the
women, who are left in charge of the landholdings. They cannot manage
on their own and have to hire labour in turn.

The lateral shift of labour from the farm sector may force a shift
towards non-labour intensive agricultural crops among farmers who
cannot afford mechanisation or increased labour costs. It will also
spur innovations in labour saving technologies. However, current
trends show that in a tight labour environment, low maintenance
orchards are preferred to cereals or pulses. A lot of farmers may
simply sell their holdings to urban dwellers, who would also prefer
low maintenance operations. This will impact on India?s already
precarious foodgrains scenario.

Attracting workers to agriculture would require social and economic
incentives. Of course, increase in farm wages and regular employment
is positive from a poverty reduction point of view. Also, it will curb
migration. The flip side is that food prices are likely to go up as
farmers factor in the increased cost of labour.

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