Permanent Mission of the Republic of Cuba to the United Nations

  315 Lexington Avenue 
  New York, N.Y. 10016 


  PRESS RELEASE 
  ______________________________ 


  STATEMENT DELIVERED BY H. E. MR. FELIPE PÉREZ ROQUE, MINISTER
OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF THE REPUBLIC OF CUBA, AT THE 58TH SESSION
OF THE UNITED NATIONS HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION. GENEVA, 26 MARCH
2002 


  Mr. Chairman: 

  I do not think it is necessary here to go over truths that
are no longer questioned by anybody, such as the ever-increasing
lack of credibility and the extreme politicization that today
weigh down the work of the Human Rights Commission. Disrepute
is growing, time is running out. It is essential that we democratize
the methods of this Commission, reestablish with transparency
its purpose and rules; in a word, set it up anew. We need a Commission
at the service of everyone's interests, and not hostage to the
designs of a minority or, as becomes more obvious every day,
to the whims of the mightiest. 

It is absolutely necessary to banish double standards from this
Commission. Did those who today question the legitimacy of the
elections in an African country utter a word when, scarcely a
year ago, amid the scandal, we had to wait almost a month to
learn who would be President of the United States? 

  It is absolutely necessary to banish selectivity from this
Commission. Last year, the Commission adopted resolutions and
declarations criticizing the human rights situation in 18 countries
of the Third World. Some of those, like the one on Cuba, were
imposed by using brutal pressure. Nevertheless, not one decision
mentioned any human rights violations in the developed world.
Is it because there are no such violations or because it is impossible
to criticize a rich country in this Commission? 

  It is absolutely necessary to banish inequality from this Commission.
A minority of rich, developed countries impose their interests
here. They are the ones who can have large delegations accredited
here; they are the ones who introduce most of the resolutions
and decisions that are passed; they are the ones who have all
the resources to do their job. They are always the judges and
never the accused. On the other hand, here we are, the underdeveloped
countries, accounting for three quarters of the world population.
We are always the accused * and the ones who through great sacrifices
and scarce resources try to make our voices heard here. 

  It is absolutely necessary to banish arbitrariness and the
lack of democratic spirit from this Commission. Is it not shameful
that the United States is pressing to return to the Human Rights
Commission without having to go through a vote? Is it not almost
laughable, if not truly pathetic, the reaction with which the
United States has wanted to take reprisals for its fair exclusion
from this body? 

  It is absolutely necessary to banish from this Commission the
attempt to ignore the defense of basic human rights for us, the
poor peoples of the Earth. Why do the rich, developed countries
fail to openly recognize our right to development and to receive
financing to that end? Why is our right to receive compensation
for the centuries of grief and looting that slavery and colonialism
imposed on our countries not recognized? Why is it not recognized
our right to see the cancellation of the debt strangling our
countries? Why is it not recognized our right to overcome poverty,
our right to food, our right to guarantee healthcare for our
peoples, our right to life? Why is it not recognized our right
to education, our right to enjoy scientific knowledge and our
original cultures? Why is it not recognized our right to sovereignty,
our right to live in a democratic, fair and equitable world?


  Mr. Chairman: 

  Cuba considers that despite the differences in beliefs, ideologies
and political positions among us, there is * nevertheless * a
common danger facing us all: the attempt to impose a world dictatorship
that serves the interests of the mighty superpower and its transnational
corporations, clearly stating that you are either with them or
against them. 

  Why do we not demand that the United States cease unleashing
wars that not only fail to resolve conflicts but in fact also
create new and more dangerous ones? Why do we not demand that
it abandon its plans to use nuclear weapons? Why do we not demand
that it not scrap the ABM Treaty? Why do we not demand that it
commit itself to accepting the principle of verification envisaged
in the Additional Protocol to the Biological Weapons Convention?
Why do we not demand that it cease its unconditional support
for and complicity with the genocide of the Palestinian people
perpetrated by the Israeli army? Why do we not demand that it
relinquish its attempts to turn the United Nations Organization
into a tool that serves its interests? Why do we not demand that
it contribute to the establishment of the fair, democratic and
unbiased International Criminal Court that we need and not to
this warped attempt to set up a court subjected to the will of
the powerful? Why do we not demand that it respect international
conventions and the principles of humanitarian International
Law in its treatment of the prisoners taken in the war against
terrorism? 

  Why do we not demand that it sign the Kyoto Protocol? Why do
we not demand that it recognize the commitment to allocate 0.7%
of Gross Domestic Product as Official Development Assistance?
Why do we not demand that it put an end to unilateral protectionist
practices and stop making the World Trade Organization subservient
to its interests? Why do we not demand that it cease imposing
arbitrary tariffs * as it just did with steel and other products
* that destroy whole branches of the economies of other countries?
Why do we not demand that it stop being the only country opposing
the proclamation of the right to food as a basic and fundamental
human right? 

  Why do we not demand that it cease thwarting the formulas that
would guarantee AIDS patients access to drugs? Why do we not
demand that it repeal the Helms-Burton Act and the extraterritorial
enforcement of its laws? Why do we not demand that it respect
the international legislation on intellectual property? 

  Why do we not demand that it give up the idea of turning the
Human Rights Commission into a tool to accuse and judge poor
countries? Why do we not demand that it cease to look for the
mote in its neighbor's eye when it cannot see the beam in its
own? Why do we not demand that it deal with the scandalous Enron
case and with corruption right in the US and stop lecturing about
corruption throughout the world? Why do we not ask it to give
up the principle of "do as I say and not as I do"? 

  And now, with all due respect, I ask you, as representatives
of the rich and developed countries: Why, if in private you agree
with almost everything I have said, do you remain silent and
not lead the attack on these dangers threatening us all? Is it
perhaps that you have the right to relinquish your own values?


  Is it that perhaps the will and the interests of the overwhelming
majority of the Earth's inhabitants do not need to be respected?
Do not the countries in the West * which up until yesterday were
allies of the United States in a bipolar world but today are
victims as are we of this dangerous and unsustainable order it
is trying to impose * think that the time has come to defend
our rights together? Why not try to form a new alliance for a
future of peace, security and justice for all? Why not try to
form a coalition that will once again proclaim on its flag the
aspiration of liberty, equality and brotherhood for all nations?
Why not strive for democracy not only within countries but also
in relations among countries? Why not believe that a better world
is possible? 

  Mr. Chairman: 

  I cannot end without saying a few words on Cuba. I do so not
so much for our country * whose generous and brave people have
defeated aggression and economic warfare for more than forty
years * but rather because we think that the manipulations concocted
and the forceful condemnation intended against Cuba could tomorrow
be sought in this Commission against any other country represented
in this hall. I am not, I repeat, thinking of Cuba * to which
nothing or nobody can deny a future of justice and dignity for
its children * but of the credibility of this Human Rights Commission
and the United Nations System. 

  The United States has had to face a new situation this year.
On top of its exclusion from this Commission comes the Czech
Government's announcement that it will not be available to introduce
the resolution against Cuba this time around. Our country took
note of this announcement and will wait to see if such decision
is final. 

  However, the US Government, including its highest authorities,
is making frantic efforts in Latin America, using a lot of stick
and little carrot, to get one or several countries in our region
to agree to play that infamous role. We trust that no Judas will
now appear on the Latin American scene. 

  I will not take a single minute to defend the generous and
noble work of the Cuban Revolution in favor of the civil, political,
economic, social and cultural rights of the Cuban people. I will
only say that there is no country that has the moral authority
to propose any censure of Cuba. 

  We will use all our strength to oppose the attempt to single
Cuba out. We will reject a resolution whatever its text and will
reject any other manipulation. We will not accept conciliatory
appeals or exhortations to cooperate, since they are not necessary.


  Should any government offer itself for the anti-Cuban maneuver,
we are sure that it would not be doing so out of supposedly democratic
convictions or a commitment to the defense of human rights. It
would be doing so out of lack of courage to stand up to US pressures
and that betrayal could only earn our contempt. 

  We very well know that our small country embodies * for billions
of men and women in Latin America, Africa, Asia and Oceania who
are currently struggling against despair * the certainty that
it is possible to live in an independent country with freedom
and justice. Indeed, many millions of poor and exploited people
in the First World * who are joined by intellectuals, some middle-class
people and others whose ethics reject the injustices, immorality
and ecological risks prevailing in the world of today * share
this same certainty and the same hope with the nations of the
Third World that a better world is possible and that they are
prepared to struggle for it. Seattle, Québec, Davos, Genoa and
other similar events prove that this is so. 
f th
  Since these times, my fellow delegates, are not for fears,
concessions and weaknesses, I would like to put formalities aside
and implore to be forgiven if I repeat what I said last year
when we were asked subservient gestures for the US Government,
concluding my remarks with the slogan of a heroic people that
does not yield and will not yield to the mightiest imperialist
power that has ever existed in history: 

  Motherland or Death! 


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