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The Hindu
May 24, 2005
Book Review


LABOUR POLITICS IN THE INFORMAL SECTOR

Suranjan Das

This book breaks new ground by unfolding the strength of collective 
resistance of the working class in the informal sector



THE EVERYDAY POLITICS OF LABOUR -- Working Lives in India's Informal 
Economy: Geert De Neve; Pub. by Social Science Press, 69, Jor Bagh, 
New Delhi, and distributed by Foundation Books, 4381/4, Ansari Road, 
Daryaganj, New Delhi-110002.
Rs. 795.

James Scott's classic, Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Popular 
Resistance has provided entry points for historians of popular 
protest politics. The present work is yet another example of this. 
Expansion of the informal industrial sector and the increase in the 
causal labour force in India in the aftermath of the country's 
economy opening up to globalisation have been adequately documented.

But this book breaks new ground by unfolding the strength of 
collective resistance of the working class in the informal sector. 
This has been on the basis of a study of "everyday" labour politics 
in handloom, power-loom and dyeing industries in the Bhavani and 
Kumarapalyam towns of Tamil Nadu.

Organised struggle


De Neve's work testifies to the diverse nature of relations between 
employers, workers and the state in the three industries. Thanks to 
their organised and sustained struggles, the Bhavani handloom weavers 
have ensured for themselves minimum wages and bonus.

This was largely possible due to political support from the local 
Communist Party as well as caste solidarity and shared consciousness 
shaped by work-experience amongst the Vanniyars who constitute the 
predominant section of handloom weavers. Interestingly, successful 
working class movement has facilitated upward mobility of some 
Vanniyar weavers to master weavers and workshop owners.

The author, however, cautions us that this development has not 
generated a feeling of equality within the Vanniyar weavers. It is 
the male weavers who have benefited from social mobility causing 
feminisation of the handloom labour force in Bhavani. But these women 
workers experience marginalisation in the male-dominated 
union-activity and decision-making process.

Solidarity


The Kumarapalayam power-loom factory owners, however, have been able 
to forestall labour militancy. De Neve ascribes this primarily to the 
practice of "baki", according to which employers give cash advances 
to workers during recruitment.

Since these cash advances are not of a generalised nature but based 
on individual transactions, the employer-employee relationship in 
Kumarapalayam's power-looms is highly individualised in nature. 
"Individual strategies of negotiation," instead of collective 
resistance, became the hallmark of everyday labour politics. The 
consequent fragmentation of the labour force has created new forms of 
"labour bondage."

Labour politics in the dyeing industry is significantly different. 
Till the 1970s, the workforce was here pre-eminently drawn from the 
Vanniyars. Subsequently, an entrepreneurial section amongst them 
became "factory owners and job workers." Since both the employers and 
the employees belonged to the same community, caste, kin and 
neighbourhood, solidarity determined labour relations in this 
industry. But this caste integrity has not ensured security in the 
labour market.

Role of caste


While kinship ties have gone against the employers' attempts to 
impose labour discipline, the uncertain nature of employment in the 
dyeing industry has forced the workers to maintain links with as many 
employers of their caste as far as possible so that they can opt for 
the best available job.

At the same time the employers have adopted "a discourse of caste and 
kin morality" to create a symbiotic relationship of trust with the 
workers, thus muting the possibility of collective working class 
militancy. Besides, the upward mobility of some Vanniyars has created 
class differentiation within what was once supposed to have been a 
homogenous community.

In his conclusion, the author draws two broad generalisations from 
his three case studies. Underlying the significance of caste as an 
organising force in the restructured "informal sector politics", De 
Neve contends that caste or kin ties in the informal sector of 
contemporary India have not necessarily created divisions amongst the 
workers, but have fomented unity and solidarity in various ways. At 
the same time communities beyond caste or class boundaries are 
constructed - however momentary their nature may be - around such 
collective rituals or ceremonies, as during the annual goddess 
celebration in Bhavani and Kumarapalayam.

Local employers patronise such festivals to win the loyalty of their 
employees. The author also argues that upward caste mobility in the 
informal sector - operating not through public support - offers new 
modes of competitions amongst the traditional caste groups.

Emerging inequalities


De Neve's second generalisation that the informal economy remains the 
only hope for improving the livelihood of India's subordinate social 
groups may evoke a scholarly challenge. What is true in a particular 
locality might not be valid at the macro level. Quantitative 
parameters cannot also be the sole indicators of better living 
standards.

Quality of life is an equally important constituent element of living 
standard. One may recall the debate on the conditions of the English 
working class in the aftermath of the Industrial Revolution.

Besides, the three case studies in this work indicate gender and 
other forms of class inequalities emerging out of what the author 
celebrates - increasing opportunities of caste mobility and 
modernisation of caste structures.

Nevertheless, the book has opened up possibilities of new discourses 
on the impact of the informal sector on labour politics in India. The 
work deserves to be recommended to any scholar interested in 
contemporary Indian labour politics.







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