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Marv Gandall wrote:

> On a practical level - about the need for mass pressure and the 
> environmentally
>  safe regulation of the economy - we agree. On a theoretical level - that
>  it is only the working masses which have a class interest in avoiding
> natural catastrophes, we don´t - but it is more important to agree on
> practical than on theoretical questions.
> 

 You reformulate things in a way that obliterates the difference between the 
working class and bourgeois viewpoints. Bourgeois environmentalism recognizes 
various dangers, and the best of its representatives have campaigned about 
these dangers. But its proposals lead to ruin. And there are already fights 
inside the environmental movement over a number of the bourgeois proposals, 
such as cap and trade, natural gas as a transition fuel (which basically 
means fracking), etc. In order to obscure the difference between the 
different views among environmentalists, you ignore the concrete examples I 
have given of what bourgeois environmentalism has advocated in practice. You 
ignore that the policies that the bourgeois environmentalists advocate have 
led to one fiasco after another, such as the corn ethanol fiasco, the 
acceleration of destruction of rain forests, the promotion of natural gas as 
a transition fuel, the failure of Kyoto, the renewed promotion of nuclear 
power, etc.

You then say that we both are agreed on the practical issues. No, we are not 
in agreement. I don't agree that our practical task is to campaign in favor 
of corn ethanol, or unplanned growth of biofuel in general, or fracking, or 
the carbon tax, or cap and trade, or Michael Bloomberg, etc.  The 
environmental demonstrations are a good thing, despite their present 
ambiguity, but we need to take steps to improve the mass pressure for serious 
environmentalism, and this includes criticism of the past fiascos in the name 
of environmentalism and building up an environmental trend distinct from 
bourgeois environmentalism.

You defend "the growing wing of the bourgeoisie" that will supposedly take 
proper environmental steps based on its financial self-interest; you defend 
its representative Bloomberg; and you prettify market pressures. Basically, 
you have the same position on practical steps as Al Gore and Michael 
Bloomberg. One of the ways you defend them is by avoiding any concrete 
consideration of the fiascos of bourgeois environmental, of the failure of 
Kyoto,  and of the exposures of "(bourgeois) green gone wrong", and then 
complaining that I'm not concrete.

> > One of the key issues is whether it is possible to achieve the needed 
> > reforms 
> > in cooperation with Bloomberg and the corporations, or whether one needs to 
> > oppose the corporations and market fundamentalism. It concerns whether one 
> > demands, not just regulations and planning, but the end to the 
> > privatization 
> > of the government. Without a change in the way government agencies are now 
> > run, regulation and planning would be jokes. It concerns whether there is a 
> > demand that planning take into account mass livelihood as a goal alongside 
> > environmental goals, or imagines that green jobs in itself will solve the 
> > social issues. It concerns whether planning is done financially, or 
> > material 
> > planning is involved. And so on. 
> 
> This sounds like the kind of abstract left boilerplate ...

You complain about abstract boilerplate, while avoiding any concrete 
discussion of the different policies put forward by bourgeois 
environmentalism, of their result, and of the criticism of this policy. But 
let's see.

Is opposition to the privatization of the public schools just "abstract left 
boilerplate"? Is opposition to the privatization of water just "abstract left 
boilerplate'?  And if not, then why is opposition to the privatization of the 
government (including environmental regulation and enforcement), such as the 
contracting out of regulation of industry to the very industries being 
regulated, a mere abstraction? Why is opposition to fracking a mere 
abstraction? Why is having plans formulated in physical terms rather than 
financial a mere abstration? Why is demanding planning for mass livelihood a 
mere abstraction? Why is agitation against the crimes of corporations a mere 
abstraction? Etc.

> I´ve been accustomed to hearing when leftists who want to "separate
>  decisively" from the liberal/social democratic leadership of a trade
>  union, environmental, civil rights, or other mass-based organization are
>  unable to identify a clear and coherent demand or set of demands to
 > counterpose to fundamentally sound programs.

And so you seem to have concluded that it is wrong to separate decisively 
from the  "liberal/social democratic" forces; instead you accept their 
program. Well, I can understand that some people have become tired of trying 
to develop a better left alternative, especially given the present 
theoretical and ideological crisis of the left, but the justification you 
give for this is rather weak.

Is "corn ethanol" a "fundamentally sound program"? Are "carbon offsets" a 
fundamentally sound program? Was the creation of artificial pollution markets 
via cap and trade a fundamentally sound program? Are natural gas (which is 
almost entirely fracking in the US) and "clean coal" sound programs? Etc.

The militant section of the environmental movement does have a problem making 
a clear break with bourgeois environmentalism. This is a concrete point if 
one examines what happened in the last round of mass environmental 
demonstration. This problem is partly the lack of a clearer and more pointed 
program, which is part of the theoretical crisis in the left. There is also 
the growth of environmental concerns to new sections of people, which is 
important but at first brings into the movement their previous standpoints. 
There is the pressure from the revisionist trends that dominate the radical 
left at this time. And, among other things, there is also the issue of  
funding from foundations, corporations, and the supposedly green "growing 
wing of the bourgeoisie"; this has its effect as well. Naomi Klein's book 
wasn't clearer theoretically than the militant section of the movement as a 
whole, but its criticism of Big Green was one of its services to the 
movement.

-- Joseph Green

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