JEM and its internal conflict with Bashar’s splinter group

By Abdullahi Osman El-Tom

May 15, 2013: Last week’s armed confrontation between JEM and its
splinter group of the late Mohamed Bashar has attracted wide attention
in the international media. While some have deplored the conflict as
yet another regrettable infighting among Darfur rival groups, others,
like AU, UNAMID and Qatar, have seized this opportunity to incriminate
JEM and re-ignite their enmity against the organization.

 Bashar incident gave the AU/UNAMID a good opportunity to divert
attention of the international community away from its spectacular
failure to deliver its mandate: that is protection of Darfur civilians
and IDPs. In a pathetic statement, the AU Commission Chief,
Dlamini–Zuma described the incident as “cowardly” and appealed to GoS
to cooperate with the AU in order to “bring perpetrators of this crime
to justice”. Perplexingly, UNAMID wants to commission Al-Bashir’s
junta to bring its newly discovered criminals to justice while it has
adamantly refused to call the same people to submit to the ICC and
hand over those have been indicted for war crimes, crimes against
humanity and blatant breach of human Rights. Strangely enough, when
Dr. Khalil was assassinated, UNAMID and its AU overseers went mute and
did not see any reason for protestation. But now, protection of
combatant has come easier for UNAMID than saving lives of Darfur IDPs
who are unfortunate enough to be placed under its protection. Just 24
hours after the death of Mohamed Bashar and others (Sunday May 12th),
the Janjaweed stormed Al-Salam IDP camp at Nyala. The Janjaweed looted
the camp under the watchful eyes of UNAMID forces, and who are there
to guard the habitation. The looters got away with everything they
could take including 100 goats. IDP leader Sheikh Tabaldiya appealed
to UNAMID for protection, protesting that in the last month alone the
Janjaweed killed 14 and injured 27 IDPs at the camp. UNAMID’s response
was as shameful as usual: “UNAMID cannot protect the camp because its
forces are outnumbered by the Janjaweed but it will compile a report
on the attack”. Thus, the mandate of UNAMID has been reduced to
competing against Radio Dabanga for reporting such attacks, a contest
in which the former is no match for the latter. Perhaps Chairperson
Dlamini-Zuma is waiting to study the report before she can at least
condemn Al-Salam attackers, never mind, she is willing to condemn
JEM-Mainstream before any investigation. It is time UNAMID realises
its primary mandate is to protect the IDPs, not the combatants of
resistance movements. Barring that, JEM cannot see how UNAMID
justifies support of Western taxpayers and get away with doing nothing
but reporting on atrocities of the Khartoum government and its
sponsored militias.

 It is important to take note of the following facts before
pontificating about the conflict. Rebellion of Mohamed Bashar within
JEM was part of a series of squabbles and splits that almost crippled
the organization. When Dr. Gibriel Ibrahim took over presidency of
JEM, Mohamed Bashar was under detention, awaiting trial for his role
in the attempted poisoning of Dr. Khalil Ibrahim. Arko Daihia who lost
his life with Bashar and Ali Al-Wafi, now a captive among others, were
also under JEM detention. They were senior members of JEM and were
caught making unauthorized contacts with GoS and the Doha splinter
group of Mohamed Bahar.

 When Dr. Gibriel Ibrahim took over presidency of JEM, he opted to
start with a clean slate and announced general amnesty for all JEM
detainees. His pardon was so generous that it included even those JEM
members who had committed the most heinous of all crimes: treason, a
crime Bashar was facing.

 For those who do not know how armed movements operate, we remind them
JEM is an open organization. People are free to join and leave the
organization at will and some current members of JEM have done so
several times. However, there is a rule, well known to all,
particularly to senior members like Bashar, Arko Dahiya and others.
Those wishing to leave can do so under two conditions: a) hand over
JEM properties- guns, vehicles, phones and b) cease using the name of
JEM. They are free to establish or join any other organization as long
as it is under a title other than JEM.

 JEM splinters like Bashar and others did not respect the cardinal
departure rule. In particular, Bashar and his group announced a
rebellious move in JEM whereby they dismissed the President and his
cabinet. Much more, his Chief of Staff, Dabajo stole and ran away with
27 armoured vehicles belonging to JEM. With further help and
instructions from Deby of Chad, Bashar’s group became
indistinguishable from Chad, so much that it is now referred to as
JEM-Deby Branch. At the Doha negotiations, they masqueraded as
mainstream JEM and announced several times they were the only JEM in
the field.

 JEM-Deby Branch could have spared us lots of agony, had they stayed
away from us. That was not to be for the simple reason that both Deby
and Al-Bashir wanted them to destroy JEM or at least distract its army
away from Khartoum. The last attack on us was not the first. Few weeks
ago, we had to defend ourselves against them near Umbaru, north
Darfur. In the hostility, we were able to retrieve our own stolen
weapons, perhaps a bit more, thanks to President Deby. The last lethal
confrontation followed the same pattern, but let us separate the chaff
from the grain. The incident in which Bashar lost his life was part of
Deby’s grandiose plan to destroy JEM-Mainstream, exactly as he
promised his financiers, Al-Bashir and the Emir of Qatar. Here are the
details of the incident.

 Bashar’s force crossed the border from Chad boasting anything between
130 to 200 fighters on 23 land cruisers and four ammunition and
logistical trucks. The land cruisers were mounted with 221mm, 23mm and
12.5mm Artillery guns and Katusha and SPG-9 rocket launchers. The
personnel were armed with JIM4 and RPG-7 rifles. Baffling as it was,
the car driven by the late Mohamed Bashar also had around 50 shackles
and it is a riddle to us what he was intending to do with them.
Perhaps the shackles were reserved for senior JEM captives along the
way.

 The engagement took place few Kilometres inside the Sudan and away
from Sudan-Chad border, which is heavily guarded by the
Sudanese-Chadian Joint Force. The two JEM forces met inside the Sudan
at Bamina (Lat 23’00, Lon 15’17; HIC Darfur Atlas), north of Tina.
Political borders of African countries are messy but not in this case.
The border town of Bamina is split by Tina valley in a north-south
direction. Thus you have Chadian Bamina west of the valley and
Sudanese Tina to the east of the valley. The battle took place four
Kilometres east of the town, a location that is clearly in the Sudan.

 Following brief exchange of heavy fire, Bashar’s group lost control
and went into disarray. Most escaped but some surrendered, injured or
killed. Mohamed Bashar, Arko Dahiya and few others were among the last
category. JEM lost two soldiers while eight of its troops were injured
in the battle.

 Soon after the battle, it was realised that Mohamed Bashar was among
the casualties. Had JEM been interested in sheer massacres of the
invaders, it would have not spared the lives of the 20 or so who are
now in its captivity. Most of those captives are members of JEM, yes,
JEM-Mainstream and are subject to rules and regulations of the
organisation. JEM will have to decide on the fate of other captives
who have no connection with the Movement.

 Osman Nahar, the spokesperson of Bashar’s splinter group has never
been a member of JEM. According to our intelligence, Nahar and for
that purpose also Adil Tayara are members of the National Intelligence
Service of Sudan (NISS). To date, they are on the pay sheet of the
NISS and whatever they report has to be seen within that context.
Their primary allegiance is to the government of Khartoum and not to
Darfur people and their movements, Bashar branch or otherwise. We urge
media outlets to vet their sources before making any judgement.

 Capitalising on the last strife within the organisation, some circles
are now gathering force to indict JEM for obstruction of peace in
Darfur. JEM is up to the challenge and will always be. As its history
shows, JEM has been on the far front of peaceful solution of
Darfur/Sudan problem. Let us not forget the Doha Platform and which is
now turned into a negotiation circus owes its existence to JEM. JEM
had also signed and implemented several peace accords with Khartoum.
In every single case, the process was derailed or destroyed by the
other party, not by JEM. JEM has not lost its stamina for non-violent
resolution of the conflict, but only if it is comprehensive and
compliant with justice, dignity and equal opportunity, and for all,
irrespective of creed, ethnicity, region or faith. No more, no less.

Author is in Charge of Bureau for Strategic Planning of JEM. He can be
contacted by email: [email protected]

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