|
Once again, President Robert Mugabe has challenged Zimbabweans to engage in an honest and open debate about his successor. During his address at the recent Zanu-PF conference in Masvingo, he told the delegates that he still has the people’s mandate to lead the country and should he feel tired he would inform the people of Zimbabwe. He further said that if those who had mandated him to rule felt that he should go, he would gladly oblige. In other words the Zanu-PF electorate, who had the majority vote at the 2002 presidential elections, could, if they so wanted, through the Partys channels, inform him. As I understand it, such channels are the Politburo, which is made up of the Presidency, Secretary for Commissariat, his deputy, Secretary for Administration, his deputy, etc. The Politburo also includes committee members. The other organ of the Party is the Central Committee made up of elected Central Committee members from each of the 10 provinces. The provincial committees of the Party are made up of office bearers similar to that of the Politburo. It is not easy therefore for one to wade their way through the above structure. One must have something to offer and must have a proven record of achievements to command the necessary political support from cell to Politburo level. Let me also add that one also needs to have some financial resources acquired legally. For in order for one to mobilise political support nationwide, financial resources are required to cover campaigning expenses. In Zimbabwe today, there are many hurdles to bridge such as the British and American economic interest here. It is now well known that imperialism is working day and night in order to get a compromised successor to President Mugabe. For this reason a Zanu-PF candidate would face a great deal of opposition from imperialism as they (imperialists) endeavour to protect their interests. Zanu-PF must therefore ensure that the leader they select among patriotic cadres within the Party will never compromise and/or reverse the gains of the liberation struggle thus far. The most important and crucial campaigning is from within Zanu-PF structures. In addition, one must be accepted by the popular masses throughout the country. In other words, those who are aspiring shall have to go through the Zanu-PF political structure and should also adhere to the cultural values of the liberation struggle, whether they hail from the Party or not, and get votes of more than five provinces during a Zanu-PF congress whose agenda would include electing a successor. When this Zanu-PF congress would take place is not known yet. However, the question that I have heard many people asking as they debate and whisper in various places is who is likely to succeed President Mugabe from within the Zanu-PF? Who among the old padare is more competent and qualified than others? Who is less corrupt and solid? Who can indeed walk into Comrade Mugabes shoes without wincing? Names such as Comrade Sydney Sekeremayi have often been mentioned. Many have said that he has been very consistent, almost clean like an angel. The other name which is common is that of Cde Emmerson Mnangagwa. They say like Cde Sekeremayi, he is capable of the big office. According to the Zanu-PF hierarchy he is said to be the most senior. Again, like Cde Sekeremayi, he was the first minister in charge of security. He is also trained as a lawyer and, as he mentioned in The Herald, he was at an early age sentenced to death for his involvement in the struggle for liberation. The challenge he faces is to win enough political provinces within the Zanu-PF. We must also not forget that this country is made up of young and dynamic people who have brilliant ideas as to which direction Zimbabwe should be going politically as well as economically. These young people are within Zanu-PF and are also capable of leading this country and can also easily step into the shoes of President Mugabe. These are the likes of Cde Chinamasa, who I think given a chance has the energy and foresight. As I understand, he is also focused and since his appointment he has not faltered. There is also Cde Stan Mudenge, who has played a star role during this period of economic and political sanctions of defending Zimbabwe against all odds. One look at the Sadc countries spells it all; they have all supported Zimbabwe, the AU, etc. The Zimbabwean foreign policy has been very well articulated by him. Dr Stan Mudenge has got the ability, will and commitment. We encourage him to continue and in the event he is called for a bigger office, why not? There is also Dr Joseph Made, who I first knew when he was in ARDA, who has articulated the needs of the land reform with such brilliance and vigour. Through his understanding of the need and problems of land and the subsequent mandate to lead the agrarian reform, we have seen his abilities at work. This means there are many sons and daughters of the soil who if given a chance could indeed excel. However, they have to come forward and be counted. The Zimbabwean succession debate cannot ignore the traditional African political party internal politics; among them are power struggles influenced by tribalism. Broadly speaking for any interested cadre in the big office race, he/she would have to convince the Manyikas, Karangas, Mazezuru and, of course, Matabeleland region. These nationalities will be asking a simple loaded question. What is there for us if we give you our presidential vote? Cde Mutasa, for example, has already declared that he would vie for the Vice-Presidency for himself and Manicaland Province I suppose. For Zanu-PF to retain the presidency after Cde Mugabe, all these tribal and splits over spoils, eating positions and power struggle within the Party will have to be postponed for Zanu-PF to continue ruling. Zanu-PF would have to sustain political unity within and not allow any divisions. Zanu-PF can also draw some lessons from Kanu of Kenya, which lost to Kanu B code-named NARC. NARC is an amalgamation of former Kanu disgruntled members along with various brands of bourgeoisie opposition political parties, which came together barely two months before the parliamentary and presidential elections in December 2002. Indeed it was the unity of purpose among the many tribally based opposition political parties which won the elections. The other reason why they won is that the opposition in Kenya seemed to be progressive than the Kanu government. Here it is different. Politically Zanu-PF, unlike the Kanu government, is progressive and pro-people and, above all, anti-imperialist compared to the MDC, which is clearly supported by British/American imperialism. The question is, do the people of Zimbabwe understand this difference? In other words, there is nothing wrong with opposition politics, what is wrong is the premise of their politics and whose interest they serve. During the late President Jomo Kenyattas reign in Kenya, it was treason to discuss his successor. The people around him wanted to be the only ones to determine who would succeed him. It was also not possible to discuss President Mois successor within Kanu. Any opposition within Kanu and outside was severely punished. I therefore respect the democratic practice of President Mugabe for challenging the people of Zimbabwe to debate his succession openly. In fact, my concern lies with the fear of the people in Zimbabwe. They are afraid of those who are internally fighting for the high office. They do not want it known whom they are supporting. It is their selfishness which may lead us to getting the wrong successor. Speak out now lest you regret later. I can understand the silence from those who are possible candidates, but I cannot understand the fear within the general public. It is your democratic right to raise the issue related to the nature and type of leader you would like to determine the political and economic destiny of this country. Another avenue for debating succession is through Parliament, where all political parties have an opportunity to air their views. So far, the publicly declared attempts to remove President Mugabe from office have been through the minority members of MDC. It is important to note that in addition to MDC being a minority party, MDC has also been unable to oust President Mugabe mainly because of their association with the former colonial masters and their imperialistic alliances. This alliance raises many questions regarding MDCs legitimacy and ability to rule. It also raises questions as to what would happen to the country if MDC was to take over reins and governance of Zimbabwe. If MDC was to break away from its imperial ties and become a legitimately home-grown political party seeking regime change, perhaps then we could start seeing political objectivity, but at the moment Zanu-PF shall continue to rule with manageable threat from MDC. In other words, as long as MDC derives its strength from foreign funding and lobbying against the Zimbabwean Government primarily from the outside, it shall never unseat Zanu-PF. On the other hand, Zanu-PF derives its power from the ordinary people rather than from outside and, above all, its major strength is from the liberation struggle. There is no way the memory of the atrocities of the colonial Smith regime will be forgotten and forgiven. The other reason why MDC has been unable to dislodge Zanu-PF is because MDC fails to articulate what, if anything, they would do to the current economic hardships that the people are experiencing. MDC has not come up with constructive ideas as to what they could actually do to turn the economy around, which has been ruined by their persistent call for sanctions. Zanu-PF has remained committed to the interests of the ordinary people through clear policies which today may seem far-fetched due to the economic hardships which the same people are experiencing. For example, the land reform program shall have an economic turnaround impact on Zimbabwe in both short and long term. The common view now is that it is too late for MDC proposals for regime change. Their friends in Europe and America, whom they lobbied and continue to lobby with their sanctions, have ruined the Zimbabwean economy. This means that even if the MDC was to come into power, they would have to pick up pieces of a tattered economy. How can Zimbabweans entrust their future to MDC? Their bedfellows interests are to continue enjoying an equal economic situation where people of British ancestry would continue to enjoy controlling the destiny of the Zimbabwean economy. Allow me to say that the policies of Zanu-PF under the leadership of President Mugabe, in spite of being demonised by the British and the American imperialists, are not only good for Zimbabwe but they should be implemented by the entire continent of Africa. In his inaugural address after winning the 2002 presidential election, President Mugabe passionately called for national unity. He said: The call to all of us, including the MDC, is to work together as we deliberate in Parliament and outside Parliament. If you are a Zimbabwean national, you can never be something else. He further said: We are bound together by our independence and nationality. Our destiny is one. Our country beckons us to join hands in a formidable unity of purpose as we vigorously engage in our various national endeavours. As was reported in The Herald, President Mugabe further added that if sanctions were imposed against the country, they would affect all Zimbabweans. "They will not discriminate against MDC and put aside an ally of the West. We must reject measures from abroad to hurt us." MDC has not responded to this gesture of brotherhood quest for unity. As a result we are all suffering economically. The debate as to who will be President Mugabes successor should take cognisance of the fact that there is a lot of speculation and gossip, which gives room to the enemy to jump in and confuse the masses. Secondly the internal power struggle must not open huge cracks, which may weaken the gains of the Party thus far. Those contesting for the highest office should provide advanced economic policies and how they shall work to turn around Zimbabwes economy without losing our sovereignty and independence. Already His Excellency has given noble guidance and direction. The
Mulindwas Communication Group
"With Yoweri Museveni, Uganda is in anarchy" Groupe de communication Mulindwas "avec Yoweri Museveni, l'Ouganda est dans l'anarchie" |
