-Caveat Lector-

from alt.politics.org.cia
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As always, Caveat Lector.
Om
K
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<A HREF="aol://5863:126/alt.politics.org.cia:41490">Ruppert: CIA, Crack and
Cocaine</A>
-----
Subject: Ruppert: CIA, Crack and Cocaine
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] (Mike)
Date: Sat, Jan 30, 1999 1:02 PM
Message-id: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>

In article <917723101$[EMAIL PROTECTED]>, Jon Roland
<[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:


------------------------
It Can Be Proven

By

Michael C. Ruppert - www.copvcia.com.


   [A *very* interesting website, BTW....]
   [About author's sources: Make every effort to obtain the last cited.]


January 28, 1999

((c) 1999 From The Wilderness Publications and Michael C. Ruppert at
www.copvcia.com. All Rights Reserved. Permission to reprint for
educational purposes only to paid subscribers of From The Wilderness with
direct sourcing as indicated in the Master Copyright. Any reprint for
resale will be vigorously prosecuted.)


For a long time, many people have believed that African-Americans were
targeted by the Central Intelligence Agency to receive the cocaine which
decimated black communities in the 1980s. It was, until now, widely
accepted that the case could not be proven because of two fallacious straw
obstacles to that proof. Both lie smack dab in the misuse of the word
"crack" and that is why, in my lectures, I have strenuously objected to
the term "CIA crack". First, it cannot and probably never will be
established that CIA had anything to do with the first creation of crack
cocaine. Chemically, that problem could have been solved as a test
question for anyone with a BS in chemistry. The answer: add water and
baking soda to cocaine hydrochloride powder and cook on a stove. A study
of the literature (including articles I wrote 14 years ago for The U.S.
Journal of Drug and Alcohol Dependence), as opposed to, for example, that
pertaining to LSD, shows no CIA involvement whatever in the genesis of
crack cocaine. Also, there has never been any evidence provided that CIA
facilitated the transport or sale of crack itself. What is beyond doubt is
that CIA was directly responsible for the importation of tons of powdered
cocaine into the U.S. and the protected delivery of that cocaine into the
inner cities.

Another obstacle has been the fact that CIA imported so much cocaine that,
even if every black man, woman and child in the country had been using it,
they could not have used all of what CIA brought in. Ricky Ross, the
celebrated dealer of Gary Webb's Dark Alliance, sold approximately four
tons of cocaine during his roughly five years in business. Yet one CIA
ring, that of Miguel Angel Felix Gallardo and Rafael Caro-Quintero, was
moving four tons a month. And that was only a fraction of the total CIA
operation. Leaving the unsupportable arguments aside, is there a
supportable case that CIA directly intended for African-Americans to
receive the cocaine which it knew would be turned into crack cocaine and
which it knew would prove so addictive as to destroy entire communities?
The answer is absolutely, yes. And the key to proving that CIA intended
for blacks to receive the drugs which virtually destroyed their
communities lies in the twofold approach, of proving that they brought the
drugs in and interfered with law enforcement - AND that, by virtue of
CIA's relationships with the academic and medical communities, they knew
exactly what the end result would be. Knowing that, we then have a
mountain of proof, especially since the release of volume II of the CIA's
Inspector General's Report (10/98) that the CIA specifically intended and
achieved a desired result.

For anyone not familiar with the ways in which CIA studies and manipulates
emerging social and political trends I cannot encourage strongly enough a
reading of The Secret Team by L. Fletcher Prouty, Col., USAF (ret.). This
article is a start, a beginning on the painful work that needs to be done
to build a class-action lawsuit. Such a suit, by necessity, will have to
include room for all the whites, Asians and Latinos who also fell prey to
cocaine addiction. But this article should convince any reader that the
argument is solid - and winnable. I thank Gary Webb and Orange County
Weekly reporter Nick Schou for giving me the missing pieces I had waited
nineteen years to find.

SOURCES:
- The Dark Alliance by Gary Webb, Seven Stories Press, 1998 (referenced as:
  Webb)
- The Straight Dope by Nick Schou, The Orange County Weekly, May 30 - June
  5, 1997 (referenced as Schou).
- Between The Rock and a Hard Place by Michael C. Ruppert, The LA WEEKLY,
  March 8-14, 1985 (referenced as Ruppert 1).
- Rock Cocaine Hits L.A. by Michael C. Ruppert, The U.S. Journal of Drug and
  Alcohol Dependence, February, 1985 (referenced as Ruppert 2).
- U.S. Drug Experts Cancel S.A. Trip, by Michael C. Ruppert, The U.S.
  Journal of Drug and Alcohol Dependence, November, 1984 (referenced as
  Ruppert 3).
- Thy Will Be Done, The Conquest of the Amazon: Nelson Rockefeller and
  Evangelism in the Age of Oil. - Gerard Colby, Harper Collins, 1995
  (Referenced as Colby).
- The Secret Team (3rd Edition), L. Fletcher Prouty  (1973, 1992, 1997).
  This book has been erased even from the Library of Congress. To my
  knowledge it is available only on the Internet at
  www.ratical.com/ratville/JFK/ST/ST (referenced as Prouty).


SPOOKS, SHRINKS AND SCHOLARS

As a budding LAPD narcotics investigator I was selected in 1976 to attend
a two-week DEA training school in Las Vegas. The diploma I received from
that school, approximately 30% larger than the one I received from UCLA,
hangs above my desk to this day. At that school I was given the official
position of the DEA and the government, which was that cocaine was less
addictive and less harmful than marijuana. I had only made one arrest for
cocaine, a heroin addict who liked speed balls (heroin and cocaine mixed),
and I had seen it less than a half dozen times in my life.

One of those times was right after my fiancée Nordica D'Orsay, a CIA
agent, had broken her ankle in the summer of 1976. Before I could take her
to the emergency room she had to make some urgent calls from a pay phone
equipped with the then new touch-tone technology. Our home phone was
monitored, she said. Having broken both ankle bones she was in severe
pain. She went into her purse and produced a paper bindle filled with a
white crystalline powder. She rolled a dollar bill and snorted the powder.
Her people, she said, recommended it to treat pain when an agent was
wounded or over-tired and needed extra strength. Once she ingested what
was in the bindle we delayed for about an hour while she made the urgent
phone calls from a gas station. Only then was I permitted to take her to
the hospital. Her ankle had swollen to the size of a grapefruit. She came
out five hours later with a cast from her toes to her crotch. Who was I to
question the CIA? That was the only time I was ever aware of her in
physical possession of cocaine. But it was not the only time she ever
talked about it.

In 1979 Congress held rushed hearings into the perils of cocaine and was
told, time and again by expert after expert that cocaine was not a problem
because it was not seriously addictive, too expensive and not easy to
find. The hearings, chaired by Republican Congressman Tennyson Guyer in
the House Select Committee on Narcotics Abuse and Control did not live up
to Guyer's hopes of finding a devil in the drug cocaine.

"Witness after witness trooped up to the microphone to tell Congress that
cocaine was not only a relatively safe drug, but so rare that it could
hardly be called a nuisance, much less the menace Guyer was advertising."
(Webb - p24). Ron Siegel, PhD of UCLA's Neuropsychiatric Institute (NPI)
had written in an earlier monograph, "The rediscovery of cocaine in the
seventies was unavoidable because its stimulating and pleasure-causing
properties reinforce the American character with its initiative, its
energy, its restless activity and its boundless optimism." (Webb - p19).

Siegel, one of the world's leading experts on drug abuse had, however,
written a February, 1979 article for The New England Journal of Medicine
which warned of a growing trend toward the smoking of cocaine (freebase,
not rock) in the western United States. He traced the origins of
freebasing back to 1974 in the San Francisco Bay area. He, like others,
noted that smoking was a much more effective and powerful way to ingest
cocaine because the surface area of the lungs absorbed the drug more
rapidly, more efficiently and in larger quantities. He cautioned that
smoking cocaine was also many times more addictive than snorting. Yet
Siegel concluded, "All in all the long term negative effects of cocaine
use were consistently overshadowed by the long term positive benefits,"
(Webb - pp. 31-33).

The witnesses testifying before congress included the heads of the Drug
Enforcement Administration, that National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA)
and a host of medical and psychiatric experts.  The conclusion: cocaine
was not a problem.

[NOTE: My sixteen years in 12 Step recovery from alcoholism and my work
with scores of recovering alcoholics and addicts belies the fact that
powdered cocaine can be, in and of itself, extremely destructive and
addictive.] Only one man, Dr. Robert Byck of Yale University was insistent
that trouble was coming and it was BIG trouble. Byck was a professor of
psychiatry and pharmacology at Yale Medical School. He began his testimony
by stating, "What I would like to talk to you about for the most part is
the importance of telling the truth... We have given a great deal of
cocaine to many individuals and find it to be a most unremarkable drug."

But, according to Webb, "Byck told the Committee that he'd hesitated for a
long time about coming forward with the information and was still
reluctant to discuss the matter at a public hearing. 'Usually, when things
like this are reported, the media advertises them, and this attention has
been a problem with cocaine all along.' The information Byck had was known
to only a handful of drug researchers around the world.

"For about a year, a Peruvian police psychiatrist named Dr. Raul Jeri had
been insisting that wealthy drug users in Lima were being driven insane by
cocaine. A psychiatrist in Bolivia, Dr. Nils Noya, began making similar
claims shortly thereafter." What had been discovered was an addiction so
overwhelming that middle and upper class students and middle class wage
earners in Peru and Bolivia had abandoned every aspect of a normal human
life, including eating, drinking, personal hygiene to the point of
defecating in clothes that would remain unchanged for days, family and
shelter in the pursuit of "basuco". (Webb - pp25-30).

Basuco, a sticky paste, was the first-stage product in the refinement of
coca leaves into powder. Although frequently mixed with a cesspool of
toxic waste such as gasoline, kerosene and other chemicals, the
pharmacological effects of smoking basuco are identical to the effects of
smoking crack cocaine which became popular in the US ten years later. So
intense was the addiction that desperate South American psychiatrists had
resorted to bilateral anterior cyngulotomies (lobotomies) to stop the
addiction (Ruppert 3). But even these drastic measures resulted in a
relapse rate of between 50-80% (Webb - p36) (Ruppert 2). Yale medical
student David Paly, working under Dr. Byck, recalled a 1978 conversation
with his mentor. "The substance of my conversation with Byck... was that
if this ever hits the U.S., we're in deep trouble." (Webb - p30)

Byck traveled to Peru to attend a symposium on cocaine with Siegel and
other experts in 1979. Later he obtained police permits and federal grants
to begin intensive research into cocaine smoking (Webb - p 31). The CIA
routinely monitors overseas travels of U.S academics and the purposes of
their travels. Since the Nixon Administration, emerging drug trends in
producing countries had been a mandate of CIA collection efforts. When law
enforcement grants, approvals and funding crossed international
boundaries, the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration (LEAA) and
several special units within CIA were automatically notified. Here, we
begin to see that CIA must have been well aware of the effects of basuco.
The CIA's well-documented role in providing training, assistance and
advice to Latin American law enforcement agencies guarantees that CIA was
collecting intelligence on the destructiveness of cocaine smoking as soon
as it began to be a problem. (Colby, Prouty). That was as far back as
1974. (Webb - p33).

By the time the government was compelled to acknowledge that cocaine
smoking had reached the U.S., and that it was having a devastating effect,
the experts, including Siegel and Byck, who was now warning of an epidemic
of near biblical proportions, encountered nothing but resistance from the
government.

According to Webb "Byck said the Food and Drug Administration shut down
attempts to do any serious research on addiction or treatment, refusing to
approve grant requests or research proposals and withholding government
permits necessary to run experiments with controlled substances. 'The FDA
almost totally road blocked our getting anything done. They insisted that
they had total control over whether we could use a form of cocaine for
experimental purposes, and without a so-called IND [an Investigation of
New Drug permit] we couldn't go ahead with any cocaine experiments. And
they wouldn't give us an IND.

"'Why not? Once you get into the morass of government, you never
understand exactly who is doing what to whom and why.'" (Webb - p 37)
Again, to understand how CIA infiltrates various government agencies
including the FDA, The Forest Service and the Postal Service I recommend
Prouty and From The Wilderness (Dec. 1998).

What was Ron Siegel's experience? According to Webb, "When Siegel, under
U.S. Government contract, finished a massive report on the history and
literature of cocaine smoking, he couldn't get the government to publish
it." (Webb - p37). This writer interviewed Ron Siegel a number of times in
the mid 1980s and what I learned was that all of his studies had shown
that "rock" smoking, as it was then called, was, in effect, the bubonic
plague of drug abuse.


UCLA, The CIA and RAND

Between 1984 and 1987 I served as the West Coast Correspondent for The
U.S. Journal of Drug and Alcohol Dependence. During that time I had a
number of occasions to interview some of the world's leading experts on
drug abuse and rock cocaine. They included Dr. Louis "Joly" West, Dr.
Sidney Cohen and Ron Siegel.  All were a part of UCLA's Neurospychiatric
Institute (NPI) which is a world-renowned facility that includes among its
specialties drug abuse research. NPI is also jointly funded by the RAND
Corporation, which was a creation of the CIA and the U.S. Air Force. How
tight is the relationship between NPI and RAND? A check of NPI's home page
on the Internet (www.hsrcenter.org/program) reveals that 5 of 19 faculty
scholars and 19 out of 54 current investigators at NPI come from the RAND
Corporation.

A check of the RAND Corporation's home page (www.rand.org) leads to the
following quote: "RAND's research agenda has always been shaped by the
priorities of the nation. With roots in the Cold War competition with the
Soviet Union, the early defense related agenda evolved - in concert with
the nation's attention - to encompass such diverse subject areas as space,
economic, social and political affairs overseas; and the direct role of
government in social and economic problem solving at home." I remember
when I was as a young boy, that my father, who worked on CIA related
projects for Martin-Marietta Corp, met frequently with people from the
RAND Corporation. In fact, my first boyhood crush was on the daughter of a
RAND executive. It was no small matter of pride in my family that RAND was
known to be part of the CIA.

As further corroboration for RAND's connection to both UCLA and the CIA I
met with UCLA Political Science professor Paul Jabber in early 1982. It
was Paul who confirmed for me that the National Security Council and CIA
had approved the use of heroin smuggled through Kurdestan, as a means of
(re)arming the Kurds to fight against Sadam Hussein in 1975. This was the
operation which, when I discovered it, ended my LAPD career in 1978. (For
further on this see my written Senate testimony at www.copvcia.com.) Paul
Jabber had been a RAND consultant and an NSC/CIA consultant throughout the
Carter Administration. He was still a RAND consultant when I met him at
UCLA.

A search of retired CIA officer Ralph McGehee's excellent CIABase
(www.ciabase.com) reveals 73 pages of annotated references to CIA's
longstanding relations with academia. Two portions of those printouts are
telling. One, a response to a Freedom of Information Act request turned up
more than 900 pages of documents relating to CIA contracts with the
University of California.  Another quote indicates that, circa 1957-77,
"Docs released under FOIA reveal long history contacts between CIA and
University California. Activities cover wide range cooperation between
several of its 9 campuses including: UC Vice Presidents 2-week tour with
CIA in which he advised Agency relating to student unrest, recruiting UC
students, Academic cover for Professors doing research for the CIA, and
improving CIA's image on campuses; a series of CIA sponsored seminars in
Berkeley and other sites for professors to share info with CIA; providing
a steady flow of CIA material on China and the USSR to CIA-approved
professors."

The CIA connections grow deeper and more ominous. Louis "Joly" West, who
died this month, served for many years as Director of NPI. The
documentation from government records is voluminous that West was a
pioneer for CIA in the development of and experimentation with LSD in the
1950's and 1960s. The first time I met him a group of doctors were joking
about how he had "administered 10,000 micrograms of LSD to an enraged
elephant for the CIA. The elephant died. I recall one doctor quipping, "I
sure am glad it was a communist elephant!"

One last note before we move on: Joly West, is extremely well documented
from CIA's own records as having been one of the principal researchers in
CIA's MK-ULTRA program which used drugs and torture to produce
mind-control assassins and other useful servants. I recall one telling
discussion with NPI's sympathetic Dr. Sid Cohen who knew of my past
struggles against CIA. He told me, "CIA pretty much knows everything we do
at NPI. It was set up that way from the start." Cohen was qualified to
speak on this subject. He had been a consultant for the State Department,
the U.S. Army and the World Health Organization.

If that was the case, and if NPI housed some of the world's foremost
experts on crack cocaine, it is impossible not to believe that CIA didn't
know what UCLA, RAND and the governments of Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia
knew.


Guns Make The Difference

Until the book Dark Alliance and an absolutely fabulous series of articles
appeared in The Orange County Weekly by reporter Nick Schou I had been
unconvinced that CIA had directly targeted African-Americans. I believed
it in my heart but I had never seen the evidence to prove it. In August
1996, right after the Webb stories appeared, I was a call-in guest on a
number of radio talk shows with Gary and I recall stating that I knew
nothing about CIA selling crack cocaine on street corners but I knew a
great deal about CIA bringing it in on airplanes and boats. It was not
until Schou's series and Webb's book appeared that I was not only
convinced, I was certain that CIA had targeted blacks.

It is beyond the scope of this article to describe just how well Gary Webb
used court records, DEA, Justice Department, CIA and L.A. County Sheriff's
records to establish that the drug dealing operations of Danilo Blandon
and Norwin Meneses were sanctioned and protected by both DEA and the CIA.
The revelations in both volumes of the CIA's Inspector General's reports,
as covered in From The Wilderness, corroborate much of Gary's work.

In particular, Webb documented how Ricky Ross always seemed to avoid
arrest at the peak of his career. Danilo Blandon's direct connections to
CIA assets and agents are now a given. Let's look at what Ricky Ross had
to say about Blandon. "All I knew was like, back in LA he [Blandon] would
always tell me when they was going to raid my houses. The police always
thought I had somebody working for the police.

"And he was always giving me tips like, 'Man don't go back over to that
house no more,' or 'Don't go to this house over here.'" (Webb - p179) The
police told of serious frustrations at trying to arrest Ross. The most
telling event was when a joint task force of Sheriffs, LAPD and other
agencies set out to raid fourteen different locations in 1986. All of them
had been cleaned out by the time the surprise raids hit. (Webb -
p310-321). Only one location, the home of Ronald Lister, turned up
anything of value - government documents. Both Webb and Schou tied Lister
directly to CIA and Contra support operations and to Scott Weekly, an
Annapolis classmate of Oliver North. Subsequent investigations, lasting
into 1997, not only showed evidence of Weekly's links to CIA and DIA,
including FBI wiretaps of his phone conversations, but also established
links between Weekly, North and the staff of Vice President George Bush
(Webb - pp320-323). Sheriff's deputies and LAPD officers were amazed and
knew full well that they were investigating a CIA operation, which was
being protected. Hundreds of pages of government documents mysteriously
disappeared from Sheriff's custody and Blandon never got arrested. Neither
did Ricky Ross until much later. One of the heroes of Dark Alliance, Bell
PD detective Jerry Guzetta, summed up all of the police experience in
trying to arrest Ricky Ross and Danillo Blandon. "Every policeman who ever
got close to Blandon was either told to back off, investigated by their
department, forced to retire or indicted," (Webb - p375).

In early November 1996, two weeks before I confronted CIA Director John
Deutch at Locke High School in Watts, I attended another congressional
town hall meeting in Compton hosted by Congresswoman Juanita
Millender-McDonald. At that meeting, before I took the microphone to talk
about CIA drug dealing, I had an opportunity to talk in private with
Department of Justice Inspector General Michael Bromwich and the commander
of LAPD's Narcotics Group, Commander (now Deputy Chief) Gregg Berg. I told
both men exactly how CIA protected their drug operations.

At the time all police agencies belonged to an organization known as the
Narcotics Intelligence Network (NIN). Any law enforcement agency
conducting an investigation of a drug trafficker must first run the
suspect's name through a computer search to find out if anyone else has an
ongoing investigation of that suspect. Such an arrangement is necessary to
prevent one agency from arresting another agency's undercover operatives.
What the CIA does is to use its contract agents or deep covers within
local police departments to constantly monitor NIN, which has to be
notified of pending raids. The CIA also uses its deep covers within police
departments to monitor investigations and warn CIA assets in time to avoid
arrest. How did I know this? Ten years before the Ricky Ross raids, in
1976, my CIA agent fiancée had told me this was how "her people" protected
certain things. The job she was recruiting me for, which I refused to
take, was to work myself, with a little help, into a position where I
would be the one doing the monitoring - and the warning. She once told me
that she had asked "her people" if she could give me information which
would lead directly to a Los Angeles arrest of a major dealer. They
wouldn't let her because I had already told her that I would never
overlook illegal narcotics. The unspoken message was that if I wouldn't
overlook when asked I couldn't be given a "freebie".

Lister, an ex-policeman who served as a bodyguard/courier for Blandon
delivered both drugs and money while enjoying CIA protection. He and
Blandon delivered drugs and guns all over South Central. Danillo Blandon
even sold guns to Ricky Ross' immediate entourage. Ollie Newell, Ross's
partner, was able to purchase a .50 caliber machine gun on a tripod (Webb
p 188). This is a pure military weapon known as a "Ma Deuce" and something
which is not obtainable at your local surplus store.

Webb and Schou also documented that the police and the FBI knew that
Lister and Blandon were delivering not only guns but sophisticated radio
equipment (which enabled the monitoring of secure police frequencies) to
Ross and the gangs (Webb - pp. 179-193) (Schou). I knew then that the
whole operation was protected from start to finish by the Central
Intelligence Agency. Why? If you walk into a room filled with policemen
and yell "Anybody want to take some drugs off the street?" maybe half the
room will stand up. But if you walk into the same room and yell, "Anybody
want to take some guns off the street?" you will be crushed in the ensuing
stampede. Only the federal government, and especially the CIA, have the
horsepower to make cops stay away from arresting those who put guns on the
streets.

Nick Schou demonstrated how Lister, through arms dealer Tim La France and
Weekly (who is himself a firearms master), was working on Agency contracts
serious enough to secure him end-user certificates from the State
Department to export weapons in a matter of days when the process usually
requires months. Indirect confirmation of these relationships was
established when the FBI denied release of some of Lister's documents
under provisions of the National Security Act (Webb - p 193).


Fluor - The Icing On the Cake

As documented by phone records and telephone calls placed to the Fluor
Corporation in Irvine, California by Lister's associates, Ron Lister held
frequent meetings with a Fluor Vice President named Bill Nelson (Webb -
pp191-193) (Schou). Bill Nelson was a retired Deputy Director of
Operations (DDO) of the CIA who had personally overseen the
destabilization and overthrow of Chile's Salvador Allende in the 1970s.
The DDO is the second most powerful position in the CIA and is directly in
charge of all covert operations. The Fluor Corporation, according to
confidential sources, was a major multi-national corporation which
regularly provided services and cover for the CIA over a period of roughly
fifteen years.

It is inconceivable that a courier and contractor like Lister could have
held regular meetings with a retired DDO in Southern California unless he
was protected at the highest levels. One good narcotics detective could
have tailed Lister to one meeting which would have been enough to totally
compromise the Agency - especially if it had occurred just after Lister
had transported twenty kilos of cocaine or a trunk load of sub-machine
guns. Conversely, it is also inconceivable that a retired DDO would meet
with anybody unless he knew everything in the world there was to know
about that person beforehand. The Agency just does not work that way.

A former CIA officer, John Vanderwerker, confirmed to Schou that Nelson
and Lister knew each other (Webb - p195).


Closing Arguments

Crack cocaine was particularly devastating for African-American
communities. This was, I believe, by design. In early 1985 USC
Sociologists Klein and Maxson researched the phenomenon of crack use. "One
thing they were unable to explain was why crack was found only in L.A.'s
black neighborhoods. 'The drug," the sociologists wrote, at least
currently seems to be ethnically specific. Cocaine is found widely in the
Black Community in Los Angeles, but it is almost totally absent from the
Hispanic areas," (Webb - p184).

And the effects of crack use were, indeed, biblical. In 1985 50% of the
emergency room admissions in L.A were due to crack. Full-blown cocaine
psychosis was occurring as soon as eight months after first use and crack
cocaine hit hardest among those African-Americans who had some college
education and held steady jobs (Ruppert1&2).

I wrote in 1985. "So pervasive is the epidemic that it is threatening the
political and social systems that have held black communities together in
the face of cuts in social programs and rising unemployment in an already
depressed economy,"  (Ruppert 1). The Christopher Commission, charged with
finding the causes of the LA 1992 LA riot/insurrection found that one of
the primary causes was crack cocaine. The LA riots remain, to this day,
the largest domestic insurrection since the civil war.

--------------------

Picture a jury trial for a man accused of arson. No one saw the man light
the match (taught the dealers how to make the crack). Yet there is
incontrovertible evidence that the man knew and had studied fire science
and thus knew that by pouring gasoline onto dry wood and striking a match,
that the wood building would burn. There is also incontrovertible evidence
that the man brought gasoline, small bits of kindling and a person who
liked to play with matches to a large building. There is also hard proof
that the man, once a fire had started, deliberately interfered with fire
fighters attempting to reach the blaze. Then he brought in lots more
gasoline. Not only that but the man provided the match striker with guns
and radios which monitored the fire department frequencies so that he
could fight off firefighters and continue lighting more fires.

As the building burned, and people died inside, our suspect attempted to
cover-up for the match lighter and interfered with law enforcement
investigations into his activities. He even lied to Congress, which was
alarmed by the damage and the number of deaths. And, being trusted by
Congress, our suspect continued to thwart attempts to stop the fire and
find the cause.

Such a man would be convicted of arson in a heartbeat.

(c) Copyright 1999 From The Wilderness at www.copvcia.com and Michael C.
Ruppert. All Rights Reserved

---------------End of Original Message-----------------

===================================================================
Constitution Society, 1731 Howe Av #370, Sacramento, CA 95825
916/568-1022, 916/450-7941VM         Date: 01/29/99  Time: 23:46:30
http://www.constitution.org/     mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]
===================================================================

.

Reply to mike1@@winternet.com. =================================

   "Combat with words will only get you so far." -- Steve Urlich,
      fascist cancel-queen of usenet, mn.general fiefdom.





=====
Subject: Re: Ruppert: CIA, Crack and Cocaine
From: Paul Wolf <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Date: Sun, Jan 31, 1999 5:36 PM
Message-id: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>

Druid days wrote:

> I don't think the CIA-South Central connection is valid,


That's because you haven't read Dark Alliance, by Gary Webb, and
you're just basing your opinion on your personal feelings.


What a fantastic book!  Before Webb, the writing about the Iran
Contra scandal had been fairly dry, and it was hard to get
interested in it, but this one is a real thriller.  The South
Central connection cannot be more clear, and is what the book
spends 400 pages describing.  You should buy it and read it!
Then get back to us.  Dark Alliance is very well documented
and you won't be able to disprove anything in it, I bet.

My only disagreement with Mr. Rupert is that I believe that the
purpose was not to poison the black communities, but to fight
"communism" -- and the black communities such as in LA were just
considered expendable.  While Ollie North was briefing Ronnie in
the Oval office, and importing cocaine by the ton into LA, First
Lady Nancy was telling us all we had to do was Just Say No!


Someday we will get these self-described "intelligence" people
under democratic control.  They weaken our country and turn
the rest of the world against us in hatred, and no one can be
held accountable for their continuous fuckups.  There is no
peer review or oversight of any kind.  What a bunch of arrogant
assholes you are!

Today's "dark alliance" is with the Cali cartel and their
paramilitary allies in Colombia.  It's the same old war on
drugs - we protect the drugs lords and conduct covert wars,
and undermine our own society, mass producing criminals in
warehouse prisons.  It just makes me sick.

-----
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
Omnia Bona Bonis,
All My Relations.
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
Kris

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