-Caveat Lector-

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Today's Lesson From Good Night, Sweet Prince: The Life and Times of John
Barrymore

by Gene Fowler


Barrymore was capable of such immediate attunement to anyone's lifework,
whether that of a dwarf newsboy or a scientist, as to seem a colleague.
Einstein, for example, said after a visit with him: "Several
mathematicians understand my theories, but of all persons it is an
actor, John Barrymore, who discusses them the most intelligently."
Similarly, Dr. David Starr Jordan, president emeritus of Leland Stanford
University, corresponded familiarly with Barrymore. Their friendship
arose from their mutual fondness for monkeys and apes. At a later time,
Barrymore impressed Dr. Gustav Eckstein, celebrated physiologist and
author, as "the most remarkable man I have met!" Dr. Eckstein kept
numerous pet canaries in his laboratory, and each one would answer by
name.
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The Religion Business

Bank of Dark Land May Cancel Robertson Deal

The wankers won't stand for it

THE Bank of Scotland was last night reviewing its business links with a
Right-wing American television evangelist after he described Scotland as
a "dark land" in the grip of homosexuals.
Pat Robertson, who has been widely criticised for his extreme views on
women, race and homosexuality, said Scotland had violated its Christian
heritage by tolerating gays and lesbians. The bank, which is planning to
set up a direct banking scheme in the United States with the preacher,
said it was reconsidering its position, though it had "no definite plans
to call off the deal". But as the bank's share price fell by four per
cent, officials said that they were planning to meet Mr Robertson in
America later this week.

Around 500 customers have closed their accounts in protest, and
politicians, union leaders and churchmen have called on the bank to end
its relationship with the evangelist. During an interview on his
Christian Broadcasting Network, the preacher said "in Scotland you can't
believe how strong the homosexuals are".

MSPs joined the protests yesterday after learning that the parliament
account was with the bank. Andrew Wilson, of the SNP, described Mr
Robertson's views as abhorrent, adding: "We cannot allow these kinds of
views, which are utterly discriminatory, to be associated in any way
with our new parliament."

The bank began negotiations with Mr Robertson last year in the hope of
selling direct banking to the 55 million viewers of his television
channel. The scheme is due to be launched in the next few months, and
the preacher's Christian Coalition is said to have paid around £30
million for a 25 per cent stake in the venture.

Bill Speirs, of the Scottish TUC, called on the bank to stop debating
the issue and withdraw from the deal. He said: "We believe his
gratuitous and offensive attacks on Scotland and its people reinforce
the message we have already given to the bank - Pat Robertson is bad
news."

The charity ActionAid said it intended to withdraw its affinity card
contract, which earns it £83,000, and West Lothian council has
threatened to withdraw deposits of around £250 million.

The London Telegraph, June 4, 1999


Copper Market

The Hamanaka Copper Scandal Continues!

You should have bought those copper options from Barclays when you had a
chance


Sumitomo, the Japanese trading company, is suing UBS and Chase Manhattan
Bank for a total of ¥91.7bn (£460m) in damages in connection with
derivatives transactions by Yasuo Hamanaka, the former chief copper
trader.


Sumitomo, which has filed a lawsuit in Tokyo seeking damages of ¥27.9bn
from UBS and another in New York seeking $532m (¥63.8bn) from Chase
Manhattan, alleges that both banks used complicated copper derivatives
transactions to make unauthorised loans to Mr Hamanaka.


When Mr Hamanaka's activities came to light, Sumitomo repaid about
¥27.9bn to UBS and $532m to Chase Manhattan. However, its own
investigations since March 1996 revealed that the derivatives deals were
in fact unauthorised loans amounting to more than $250m from UBS and
$500m from Chase Manhattan Bank.


"The transactions look like derivatives deals but on closer examination
we believe they were, in fact, loans to Mr Hamanaka," said Sumitomo.


The company charges that Mr Hamanaka repeatedly borrowed funds from UBS
and Chase Manhattan Bank to hide his expanding copper losses and
believes UBS and Chase Manhattan were fully aware that Mr Hamanaka was
not authorised to take out the loans.


By providing financing to Mr Hamanaka for derivatives transactions that
did not take place, the banks helped him continue his secret deals,
Sumitomo charges.


UBS said yesterday it "disputes Sumitomo's right to claim any amount
whatsoever in connection with these transactions". Chase Manhattan was
not immediately available for comment.


Mr Hamanaka, once a star copper trader for Sumitomo, has been sentenced
to eight years in prison for fraud and forgery related to illegal copper
trades. Known as "Mr Five Per Cent", after the size of the copper market
he was said to control, Mr Hamanaka continued his illicit trades for
more than a decade until 1996.


When the unauthorised trades came to light it wreaked havoc on the
copper market and sent the price of copper plunging. Sumitomo incurred
¥285bn in losses as a result of the illegal copper trades and has faced
a number of lawsuits since then.


Although Sumitomo announced a total loss of ¥330bn as a result of the
copper scandal and risked being barred from the US and UK commodities
markets, the actual loss to Sumitomo is believed to be much higher.

The Financial Times, June 4, 1999


The Lurker at the Threshhold

Federal Reserve Puts Big Banks Under Watchful Eye

A little too much risk, maybe?


The Federal Reserve is intensifying its supervision of the largest US
and international banks in an attempt to meet rising concerns about the
risks they could pose to the banking system. Laurence Meyer, a member of
the Fed's board of governors, yesterday said the Fed began "sharpening
its supervisory focus" on 20 US banks and 10 international banks last
year in response to their increasing size and complexity.


Laurence Meyer, a member of the Fed's board of governors, yesterday said
the Fed began "sharpening its supervisory focus" on 20 US banks and 10
international banks last year in response to their increasing size and
complexity.


In a speech to state bank supervisors, Mr Meyer also warned there were
signs of "slippage" in bank lending standards. The volume of
non-performing assets increased last year for the first time since 1991,
particularly in commercial and industrial loans.


Meanwhile, community banks are facing increasing threats from the rising
number of bad agricultural loans.


Mr Meyer suggested that the Fed's concerns about "systemic risk" were
heightened by the growing power of the top 20 US banks, which control 82
per cent of the assets of the largest 50 banks. A decade ago the top 20
institutions controlled 68 per cent of those assets.


The Fed is also concerned about the concentration of derivatives and
securitisations - including consumer loans and commercial credits -
among the largest banks, which the Fed now calls large complex banking
organisations (LCBOs).


Mr Meyer said the Fed increasingly favoured continuous monitoring of the
largest banks, including online access to management information.


Two of the largest banks already allow the Fed direct access to data on
their internal audit processes.


The Fed has faced strong criticism in Congress for its role in
co-ordinating the private bail-out last year of the hedge fund Long-Term
Capital Management.


Members of Congress have attacked the Fed for appearing to back a "too
big to fail" doctrine which would ensure the survival of any of the
largest institutions.


Mr Meyer also urged banks to improve their credit risk management,
citing a "disappointing" recent visit by Fed officials to inspect the
risk models used by a large number of banks.


"Much more progress is necessary before most large banks, themselves,
can gain a solid grasp on their risk exposures for risk management
purposes," he said.


A move to tighter regulation of the biggest banks had been predicted by
Wall Street observers.


Henry Kaufman, one of the most respected US economists, said this would
happen last year, after the announcement of the merger of Citicorp with
Travelers Group, the largest financial services merger to date.


He said huge banks would need to be "treated more and more like public
utilities" rather than entrepreneurially run private enterprises. He
said that Citigroup, the company which resulted from the
Citicorp-Travelers merger, would be "too big to fail" and would
therefore need heavy and intrusive regulation to ensure that they were
"too good to fail".


Last year's hedge fund and proprietary trading crises mostly affected
banks with large retail businesses in the US, increasing the systemic
risks. Several of the largest banks, such as Chase Manhattan, reinforced
their risk management processes in the wake of the 1997 Asian financial
crisis.

The Financial Times, June 4, 1999


Single Currency

The Euro: Can't Get It Up

The miracles of European socialism

PARIS - During Jimmy Carter's presidency, when the dollar fell below 2
Deutsche marks for the first time, the causes seemed obvious: much
higher U.S. inflation than in Germany, but just as damningly, a sense of
groping political leadership and an American industrial complex that
appeared to have rusted over.
Back then, in 1978, the dollar's descent below 2.00 DM - a level it
still occupies today - constituted in Europe a kind of psychological
smudge of shame for the United States and was interpreted as signifying
that the United States was losing its world economic primacy. Now, with
the euro having slipped 11 percent since its introduction on Jan. 1
toward the symbolically charged frontier of one euro for a dollar, the
circumstances in broadest outline are reversed but not dissimilar.

There is an important technical factor currently favoring the dollar in
the disparity in interest rates between the United States and the euro
countries and a reflex in continental Europe to say the current exchange
rates reflect more the dollar's strength than the euro's frailty.

But, as European Union leaders gathered in Cologne on Thursday for a
summit meeting, it was also clear that the markets' assessment of the
euro reflected a lack of confidence in the economic leadership of the
euro zone and a less than positive evaluation of the currency's future
as an economic and political factor in the world.

As much as any American gasoline-guzzler did 21 years ago, the euro's
weakness now serves as a symbol for old methods and a lack of clear
economic and political perspectives. For continental Europe, what
appears at hand is the uncertainty of a new currency that is not backed
up by key governments and political leaders with a commitment to hard
structural reform.

The absence of this engagement means avoiding battles with big domestic
constituencies, but the likelihood from the markets' standpoint is that
the euro zone's 11 national economies will remain dormant.

A former left-of-center finance minister from one of the EU's leading
countries, talking privately about the decline of the euro, said:
''There's really a blatant incapacity on the part of European
politicians to meet their obligations on reform. The markets just don't
believe the German and French financial policies.

''Obviously, we are not talking about rust-belt factories or the Ruhr.
It's the politically related structural problems, the social reforms,
the taxes, the pensions, the size of the public sector, all things that
can be solved by political decisions. That's 45 percent of the euro's
troubles. The other 55 percent are interest rates and the other
technical factors.''

This view was one often repeated among economists and traders.

What the markets appear to have done in the euro's first five months is
to make a parlay backing its descent. At a basic level, they see the
interest-rate differentials and nothing that sustains the EU launch
rhetoric that cast the euro as a rival to the dollar.

They regard the economic policies of the euro-zone countries as either
ill-defined or in contradiction to the more successful approach of the
United States, and they consider the short-term policies of the euro
zone likely to turn on party politics - as exemplified by its finance
ministers' decision not to penalize Italy for failing in its budgetary
obligations.

In addition, there have been few signs of decisiveness coming from the
European Central Bank strong enough to suggest to currency-market
traders that they might want to hedge their bets.

When Wim Duisenberg, the bank's president, said Wednesday that the euro
had great potential for appreciation, the reaction from Chris Iggo,
chief economist at Barclays Capital in London, quoted by Bloomberg News,
was, ''Parity, here we come.''

He said the ECB could not raise rates to defend the currency and that
intervention was ''not likely to be that successful,'' and he called the
euro's economic background weak and its policy environment ''lacking in
credibility.''

As a measure of how far Europe's politics seemed to be from the reality
of creating basic change in the continental countries' economic life,
the summit meeting in Cologne has been virtually ignored by the markets,
with the employment pact it was scheduled to produce being described as
a statement of good intentions.

This pact was expected to bring a ''macroeconomic dialogue'' to life as
part of the EU's strategy. But on the national level, in Germany, for
example, discussions involving an Alliance for Work have produced no
recommendations, and the government of Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder has
not come up with reform plans for the pension, health or tax systems.

To the extent that he has won no economic battles at home and has
watched German growth projections for the year sink to about 1.5
percent, Mr. Schroeder is exercising somewhat limited credit when he
says that the euro is a strong currency. His chief adviser for
international economics, Klaus Gretschmann, has suggested that there are
limits to this view, commenting on Wednesday that as long as the euro
stayed above $1.03, there was no ''cause for concern.'

In France, whose economy has fared better than Germany's after a burst
of consumer spending last year, there is the 35-hour work week but
nothing in the view of business and many economists that points to the
overhaul of the country's statist habits and vast public sector.

But since no one in the market has ventured to suggest that Europe is
trying to talk down the euro, the French discomfort with the euro's
decline is real.

After saying in January that the currency's initial strength against the
dollar was not significant because the size of Europe's
dollar-denominated trade had diminished, the Finance Ministry has now
argued that the decline of the euro ''accompanying the weaker
remuneration of European investments'' improves the euro zone's
competitiveness and favors its exports.

Mr. Duisenberg has not been able to steer clear of contradictions
either.

His governing council insists that the euro's problem is a short-term
development, but the remedies he suggests are not quick fixes, and they
acknowledge instead the deeper problems seized upon by the markets. In
saying that governments must take ''urgently needed'' structural reform
measures, Mr. Duisenberg was clearly talking about arduous decisions and
applying political efforts beyond the reach of his policy levers.

If the euro's problem is in fact structural and political in significant
measure, then the currency's recovery may be a long-term matter.

The dollar's turnaround in the early 1980s depended on the United States
getting a grip on inflation, a lessening interest-rate gap and two
external developments - an oil shock and the Soviet invasion of
Afghanistan - that affected Germany more than America.

International Herald Tribune, June 4, 1999

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