I'm just sharing author's experience of field and research site
observation. do visit the below URL to read the paper in full.
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/09687599.2019.1668635



The research site
My research was conducted at a study centre for blind children in
Mumbai, India. Supported by the National Association for the Blind
(NAB), India, the centre caters to partially/blind students most of
who attend mainstream schools. Driven by curiosity of having a study
centre in our vicinity, in 2013, along with three of my friends we
visited the centre. Since I’m a musician we got a two-hour slot on
Saturday mornings to engage the students with music and recreational
and educational activities. Although over 50 students are registered
with the centre, around ten students visit regularly on Saturday
mornings.

Motivation
Once while teaching, a student Rina (pseudonym) narrated her
experiences of being discriminated against in the school in which she
had just shifted. While it did not come across as unusual that a
visually challenged girl was discriminated against in a private
school, she contrasted her experience with that in her previous
(government) school in which she claimed to not face such
discrimination. Both schools were ‘normal’ schools (with blackboards,
teachers without knowledge of Braille or Sign language, etc.). Rina
was in her 9th standard. Since her exams were on, I volunteered to
read out her textbook with the audio recorder running so she would
have an mp3 recording of the lesson. In the process, her narrative was
also recorded which with her permission, I share below.

Rina’s narrative
Rina began sharing her perspective on how society treats blind people:

Rina: Society has not, [yet] accepted blind people. … they show that
“Yes, we help them” but from the inside, their thoughts, mindset is
not there, to help. … I don’t play with them, (They think that) “this
will happen to her, that will happen to her”. That’s why I’m made to
sit separately. … I have received (sports) medals … I showed that in
school. Even still they would not know that in her also there is
talent. … till now, their thinking hasn’t changed.

Had Rina ended her narrative here, it could have been argued that
Rina’s experience of discrimination was an inevitable outcome of being
a blind girl. However, Rina pointed out that she was not discriminated
in her previous school. And neither was Ravi (pseudonym) who also
studies at the centre:

Rina: … my school before this, … was very good. I did not at all feel
different. … And even Ravi, they cooperate. … In this school, so much
discrimination doesn’t happen.

Rina claimed to not feel different at all while acknowledging the role
of her friends and her teacher for cooperating with her. It was
evident to Rina that her ill-treatment was not due to her blindness
but rather how society responded to blindness. Referring back to her
current school, she narrated an incident that occurred the previous
day during her exam in which she and her writer were made to sit
outside the classroom on broken benches without a fan on a hot day,
since her writer was considered a distraction to the other students:

Rina: But this private school, they [discriminate], very much …
keeping me separate. Yesterday … [for] the exam … all the children
were inside, where they sit daily for class. … for writing the exam,
there was no place there, so the teacher was saying that everyone will
be disturbed (because of the writer) so I was made to sit outside.
That I would get disturbed, no one considered.

Rina highlighted that the school was a ‘private school’. Unlike her
previous school in which she studied till the 8th standard, here she
had to pay fees. Also, since she was in the 9th standard, the ‘no
detention policy’ (which stipulated that no child can be held back
till the 8th standard) as introduced by India’s Right to Education
(RTE) Act of 2009 no longer applied. Rina was in fact even denied
admission in the private school on the pretext of her blindness. Only
after a relentless struggle by the centre teachers was Rina finally
admitted.

Disablement through schooling
What we make out of this incident depends significantly on our
perspective on disability. My initial reading of Rina’s narrative was
merely that people with disabilities face discrimination. On coming
across the social model of disability it became evident that
disablement was the effect rather than the cause of exclusion and
discrimination. Not having engaged deeply enough with the economic
dimension of disability as afforded by the social model, I concluded
with the suggestion that the education research community needs to
change their ideas about the relationship between disability and
exclusion. When I came across the concept of ableism and disablism, I
described Rina’s experiences as a case of ableist discrimination
arising from a disablist culture. I concluded by suggesting that
classrooms need to change their cultures and beliefs about
dis/ability.

The limitations of cultural explanations were that they focused on
beliefs about dis/ability without engaging adequately into material
conditions that produce disablement along with ideological
justifications for ableist discrimination. To shift the gaze from the
disabled individual to a disablist culture does not contribute to any
radical social change for the same reason that a disablist culture is
also a symptom, an ideological reflection of sociopolitical economic
conditions. Also, postmodern perspectives on disability did not engage
adequately into the process of schooling where exclusion actively
takes place.

Understanding schools from a Dialectical or Marxist perspective
afforded by the social mode helps raise an entirely different set of
research questions that otherwise appear unrelated to disability. For
example, why is it that in India where the government can afford to
spend billions of dollars on nuclear warfare, we often find ourselves
forced to develop ‘low-cost’ teaching tools for our students who are
excluded from schools that cannot ‘afford’ to include them? A
dialectical perspective also provides insights into why students with
disabilities face exclusion. For example, schools need to produce
failures and a student’s grades can hold value only if the school
fails or gives lower grades to a large number of students.

Conducting examinations, assessing and failing students is taken for
granted as inevitable and even justified. Examinations contribute to
serving the economic demands of the market, including the
multi-billion dollar Indian coaching industry. It is commonly assumed
that the fear of failing gets pupils to study harder and avoid
participating in political struggles. In India, qualified teachers
need to pass ‘Eligibility’ tests if they wish to practice. Entrance
exams thus create divisions among those waiting for an employment, and
thus suppresses dissent among those who will not get a job. Failing
also plays an ideological role by being considered as a fate reserved
for ‘others’ and thereby absolves us of the need to understand
concrete issues afflicting those communities from which a
disproportionate number of students fail. In India, exclusion is built
into our social fabric woven by the Caste system. Caste forbade women
from accessing education, and criminalized it with dire consequences
for ‘lower’ castes (Shudras) and ‘untouchables’ (dalits) who comprised
of a majority of India’s population. Although caste discrimination is
officially criminalized, schools continue to provide meritocratic
legitimations for casteist practices.

With the entry of Neoliberal policies in Indian education in the early
90s, privatization of schools increased and profits became more
internationalised. In June 2019, soon after a far right-wing party was
re-elected, a Draft National Policy on Education (DNEP)1 was released
by the Human Resource Ministry that in addition to facilitating
increased privatization proposed a new system in which there will be
multiple ‘exit points’ after Class VIII, thus facilitating systematic
exclusion of (blind) students at various stages. Completely
disregarding the sociopolitical dimension of disability (which was
sensitively addressed in educational policy documents in the previous
regime), the DNEP treats disability as an individual problem,
emphasizes ‘mainstreaming’, and suggests offering scholarships to
‘talented and meritorious’ students supposedly to ‘enhance
participation of differently-abled children in school education (p.
156)’.

When exclusion is taken for granted, students with disabilities (for
example, Rina who is blind and also a dalit girl) will be seen as
inevitable victims of an immutable part of social life, and
consequently treated as preordained failures. I therefore conclude my
argument with a call to take a stand against privatization, and a
question to think about: ‘Can ableism in schools be dismantled without
abolishing the very concept of failure and competition?’ I think we
tend to disavow this question while fooling ourselves into believing
that ableism in classrooms can somehow be resolved without addressing
certain core features of the schooling process which are disabling and
give rise to ableism.

Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Notes

-- 
सादर/ Regards

अविनाश शाही/ Avinash Shahi
सहायक/ Assistant
मानव संसाधन प्रबंध विभाग/ Human Resource Management Department
भारतीय रिजर्व बैंक/ Reserve Bank of India
लखनऊ क्षेत्रीय कार्यालय/Lucknow RO
विस्तार/ Extension: 2232



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