NatureThe Hindu : 
Op-Ed : 
Ability more than a seven-letter word
Hemachandran Karah

Published: June 16, 2012 01:51 IST | Updated: June 16, 2012 01:51 IST 
 
We need a nuanced understanding of the idea of ability. Photo: M. Moorthy 

It is time disability activism embraced language to debunk the myth that 
disabled people have unique skill sets

A loud round of applause for Aamir Khan for bringing together diverse views on 
disability in his “Satyamev Jayate” programme. Sprinkled with satire and
humour, the TV show was a comment about the wider world from the viewpoint of 
disabled individuals with exceptional achievements. That said, it is important
to evaluate what was, and more importantly, what was not articulated in the 
programme about disability in the Indian context. 

Let us begin with the term “differently-abled.” “Differently-abled” is 
increasingly being accepted as an umbrella-term to denote a disabled population 
whose
bodily capacities are said to differ from an average norm. The disabled 
themselves embrace such a label because it caters to a view that they possess 
abilities
which are not quite the same as the rest, but nonetheless similar in potential 
and scope. It is claimed that the “differently-abled” deploy different abilities
to muster their sensory and cognitive faculties to achieve things which others 
appear to do with ease. In this connection, there is also an unstated view
that the label “differently-abled” does not suit people with intellectual 
disabilities because they lack the cognitive capacity to muster inner abilities.
Given such a bias, the electronic media finds it hard to offer them equal space 
on the stage. 

I certainly do not mean to take a dig at those role models who did appear on 
the stage. In fact, their contributions are significant. In so many ways, they
convey the reality that disability activism relies on humour to capture nuances 
of social discrimination. The visually impaired interviewees for example,
rightly criticised the popular view that blindness is intrinsically linked to 
karma and sin; asexuality; isolation; mendicancy; and for that matter, a
talent for music. Where they, and others too falter is in thinking that they 
can demolish such a linkage by a mere labelling tactic. I may be flattered
by the remark that “inspite of your … you are able to achieve so much.” For a 
moment, I may feel tempted to give myself a pat on the back for being a 
“differently-abled”
achiever. This is so self-defeating because many a million so-called 
“differently-abled” citizens do badly because a certain kind of 
ability-enhancing
training is unavailable to them. Clearly, we need a terminology that does not 
bank on the idea that the disabled are those who possess a set of abilities
that are uniquely available to them, and nobody else. One of the participants, 
much to the amusement of the host, said it all when he said: “Tendulkar
is differently-abled than Dravid, and Manmohan Singh is ‘differently-abled' 
than the other two!” 

Body and disability

It also appears to me that our idea of bodily defect is not merely derived from 
experiences of disability. The notion is very much attached to the idea
of appearance. How do I know this? I know this because I had the luxury to 
learn from little Nisha, who has a rare skin-thickening condition. On “Satyamev
Jayate,” her parents narrated an interesting anecdote. Once Nisha and her 
mother were in a shop. The mother gets the shock of her life when a woman 
suddenly
spits on Nisha's face, calling her an ugly creature. What Nisha said to her mom 
to console her is telling. She explained that the problem of ugliness was
not with her, but with the woman who committed the assault. Yes, I agree 
wholeheartedly. 

In fact, the woman, and those who are in her position, inherit ideas of 
ugliness, bodily defect, and the like from a consumer culture like ours which 
promotes
beautification as a primary occupation. Shameless though it may sound, there 
are a wealth of cosmetic industries that spread the idea that a fair complexion
is an absolute requirement. Even worse, they spread such an ideal through a 
host of symbolic narratives that trap everybody into believing that they need
an appearance-lift after all. The phrase “black heart and white skin” for 
example, does not do the rounds as an innocent ‘kolaveri' idiom which one can
use and discard by will. Instead, such symbolic idioms shape our internal 
images, the very impressions of our fellow beings that we carry on in our heads.


When confronted by someone who seemingly appears different, such dormant 
symbols launch themselves readily into a viral action. For example, the internal
image of an ugly creature may provoke someone to spit on, verbally abuse, and 
even annihilate those who look different from a standard norm. I am afraid
this is bound to increase since men, women, and those with all kind of 
orientations and abilities, are increasingly lining themselves up at the devil's
anvil, where an absolute appearance ideal is manufactured. 

Four points

So what do we do now? More precisely, what kind of disability politics do we 
need? First, we need a nuanced understanding of the idea of ability. Rather
than treat it as an innate faculty, ability (differently or otherwise), should 
be seen as a sort of a cultural investment. Reading Braille, Assistive 
Technology
usage, musical appreciation, orientation and mobility, and others, which 
disabled people appear to do with the aid of a mysterious inner ability, are in
fact learnt over a period of time. These skill sets appear natural and not 
cultivated as such since they are acquired from institutions that are tucked
away from public view. All the same, the disabled may display a certain 
clumsiness in the performance of abilities of every day life such as eating, 
speaking,
body language modulation, sporting, making love, and caring. Such clumsiness is 
symptom of a long-term institutional isolation, and not ability difference.
Insights like these may lead us to a policy thinking that one needs to invest a 
certain amount, culturally and financially, to cultivate abilities that
are amenable to all. 

Second, disability activism should work against aggressive individualism. Such 
an ideal treats disability only as a market category. For example, while
appreciating a disabled sky-diver as we did during the programme, we can 
identify deficits in cultural and institutional infrastructures of the sport.
They may actually deter many other disabled people from pursuing sky-diving. To 
look for only role models such as a disabled sky-diver is tantamount to
celebrity culture, and not disability activism. In fighting a market-oriented 
individual lifestyle, disability activism may promote a society that deems
mutual care as a valued good. Third, a disability rights movement should remain 
critical of the medical establishment. It should also endeavour to reform
medical education. A socially responsible medical education can in fact 
complement disability activism. And fourth, disability activism should be a 
socially
transformative enterprise. The attitudes that undermine people with disability 
are also the same as those that contribute to gender stereotypes. People
who fight for gender justice for example, vouch for the fact that structural 
alterations do not transpire in isolation. When it comes to structural 
transformation,
disability is particularly in an advantageous position since it is not tied to 
a specific identity such as a race or a caste. After all, only three per
cent are born with a disability, the rest drift into it during the course of 
their lives. 

(Hemachandran Karah is a Visiting Associate Fellow at the Centre for the Study 
of Developing Societies, New Delhi. He can be reached at hemaka...@gmail.com)

http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/article3533422.ece 

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