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Why the Agreement will Fail
By: Sam Vaknin


".Many Macedonians contend they were forced to make concessions on an
accelerated timetable only because of the ethnic Albanian insurgency.
Javier Solana, foreign policy chief of the EU, rejected that charge
saying, 'violence has not dictated the pace of progress.'  Asked if the
force of arms was the father of today's agreement, Ferat Fazliu, a rebel
in Tetovo, said 'of course.'"

"A more senior rebel figure, Xhevat Ademi, who is on a Bush
Administration black list that prohibits him from traveling to the
United States, said in Tetovo that the agreement was merely an interim
solution.  'In Albanian, we have a saying: 'a mountain shivered and a
mouse was born,' he said, equating ethnic Albanian grievances with the
mountain and the agreement with the mouse.  But Ademi would not say
exactly what the accord lacks, raising suspicions that some rebels still
view partition as the ultimate solution to the country's problems." (The
Washington Post, August 14, 2001) The Framework Agreement between the
Macedonian and Albanian parties in Macedonia continues the infamous
tradition of compacts imposed by a war-weary West on helpless and
hapless small nations. The Munich Agreement led to the demise of
Czechoslovakia in 1938. The Camp David round of negotiations forced on
both Israel and the Palestinians in 2000 led to the al-Aqsa Intifada.
The aborted Rambouillet Accord led to the indiscriminate bombing of
Kosovo and Yugoslavia. This agreement will lead to a civil war which is
bound to equal in ferocity only Bosnia. Why is this agreement doomed to
fail? Because it is the first step in a long and convoluted series of
constitutional and legislative measures - each and every one of them a
potential tripwire. Arrant nationalists, extremists, and opportunistic
profiteers on both sides will do their damnedest to ensure the vitiation
of the pledges made by both parties. The rancour started on the very
presidential lawn which hosted the signing ritual, when the Albanian
politicians resorted to their mother tongue in their speeches. Then
there is disarmament. It never works. Decommissioning failed in Northern
Ireland. It was made a mockery in Kosovo. It is even less likely to
succeed in Macedonia. Here is what NATO had to say hours after the
celebrity-studded signing ceremony in the posh suburb of Vodno, in
Skopje:
"...The basis for the peace deal and the NATO deployment is an agreement
by the rebels to voluntarily hand over their weapons.  But that raises
more questions: How many weapons are there to be handed in?  Where are
the weapons caches located?  And how can NATO verify that all the
weapons are being turned in?  'Voluntary disarmament is a tricky issue,'
the military spokesman said.  'To what extent do we trust them?  Why
should we send troops in to a risky operation if we can't trust the
parties?'" (Washington Post, August 14, 2001) Thus, no one is committed
to this agreement, not even NATO. It is an orphan, a failure waiting to
materialize. A hot potato tossed by its very originators, the buck that
never stops. Except, perhaps, the fatigued President of Macedonia. But,
in the eyes of many Macedonians, he is compromised by the shoddy
elections that bought him power and by the overt and excessive coziness
of his relationships with the inapt procurators of the West. Still, the
agreement harbours the seeds of its tragic demise mainly because the
agreement is between parties who are irrelevant and derided by their own
alleged constituencies. The NLA was not party to the negotiations. It
acted by remote control, through the proxy of Albanian politicians who
purported not to represent its views and negotiating stances. It,
therefore, can completely disown an agreement it has not been an
official party to - as it is likely to do the moment it feels
sufficiently robust militarily. The political class in Macedonia - of
both ethnicities - is irreversibly discredited by its own venality,
corruption, election fraud, and involvement in criminal activities. It
does not possess the moral authority to sell the people on the agreement
or to preach peace and rectitude. The agreement was also signed in the
wrong circumstances, with a gun to the Macedonian head. Western
Macedonia is almost fully controlled by the NLA and its hydra like
offspring, ANA and other splinters. Macedonians flee this area, fearing
for their lives and property, compelled by the explicit and implicit
threats of their Albanian neighbours turned minacious rebels. Albanian
and Muslim owned shops in Macedonian cities are regularly ransacked.
Signing a peace agreement in an atmosphere of fear, intimidation, and
victorious violence is inauspicious. It is also untenable and ethically
insupportable. This agreement is the outcome of blackmail - both by the
West (which imposed economic sanctions and an arms embargo on Macedonia)
and by the assortment of thugs that descended on Macedonia. It is not
voluntary - it is an act of capitulation. Regardless of the merit of the
Albanian demands - their ends do not justify the means they have
employed. The agreement evades the real, hidden and latent, issues. It
tweaks and adjusts, fine-tunes and polishes - rather than courageously
demolish and re-construct. The botched compromises and evasions that it
contains - regarding the use of the Albanian language, the participation
of Albanians in public administration, Albanian access to the job market
and to higher education, Albanian involvement in organized crime, police
brutality against Albanians, etc. - are outweighed only by the issues it
completely ignores. Foremost, is the Albanian demand for autonomy or
self-government and the nature of the relationship of Macedonia's
Albanians to their kin and kith in Albania and, more importantly, in
Kosovo. The real problem is the disparate views the parties hold
regarding the nature and future of Macedonia. The agreement fails to
bring these into sharp relief, as it should have done. Thus, a golden
opportunity was missed to achieve a modicum of consensus and
accommodation regarding the image and the conduct of this small piece of
lands both parties reluctantly share. The Macedonians regards the
current state of Macedonia as the final realization of a dream. It
occupies less than a third of the historical territory known as
Macedonia - but it is theirs, a sovereign state, where they are fully
Macedonian in language and in custom. Macedonia to the Macedonians is,
in other words, a fatherland, not merely a convenience. They cling to
their tiny plot even more tenaciously in the face of Serb, Greek and
Bulgarian disparagement. The Greek doubt the authenticity of the current
inhabitants of Macedonia as do the Serbs (to whom Macedonia is "south
Serbia"). The Bulgarians regard Macedonian as a villager's dialect of
Bulgarian. This inane opposition by their neighbours hardens Macedonian
resolve to prevail and perpetuate both their national identity and their
language. This is a throwback to the 19th century concept of
nation-state - a space populated by a more or less homogeneous people
with their own history, national myths, language, and political agenda.
Where the Macedonian's attitude is historical - the Albanians' is
territorial ("Albania is where Albanians are"). To them Macedonia is a
mere territory inhabited by two major nations (the Macedonians and the
Albanians). It is a political and economic partnership. As such, it can
theoretically be dismantled, or substantially altered at will. Since no
single nation in such a citizen's compact can have a privileged position
- they each can veto each other's decisions and vision. This Albanian
rendering of Macedonia is much closer to the American instrumental ethos
of the state. To Americans, the USA, is the outcome of a social contract
constantly re-negotiated and rephrased. It is founded upon piles of
documents - the Constitution, the Bill of Rights. It is an abstract
entity in flux, re-defined by its constituents and managed by
semipternal arbitration. The Albanian position is also close to the
European Union's new found totem of the "multi-cultural society". States
belong to their citizens, regardless of colour, race, or origin.
Germany, the United Kingdom, and France are slowly being transformed
into immigrant societies - dysfunctional melting pots of hitherto
foreign cultures and societies. This tendency is further enhanced by the
gradual emergence of the European supranational federation. Sovereignty
is in the descendant - national cohabitation in the ascendant. Here lies
the danger to Macedonia's future. Both the USA and the EU are likely to
coerce Macedonia to adopt a contract-based, multi-cultural solution to
the crisis. The Americans are likely to impose on it an American style
constitution - and the European are likely to implement a bevy of
"minority rights" measures. In a region still steeped in nationalistic
lore and enthralled by the spectre of the nation-state, these would
spell the end of Macedonia as a political entity. At the very least it
would spell the end of Macedonia as the homeland of the Macedonians.

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Brendan Howley in "The Blue Ear" says:
After the Rain is that rarest of reading experiences: principled and
thoughtful and irritating and prescient, all at once. Vaknin will be
proved right or wrong as history grinds on in the Balkans, but his is a
book I will return to.
http://www.blueear.com/articles/cheaplife_100800.html

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A Review of "After the Rain" in "The Reviewer" is available here:
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John Harris on "After the Rain" in "Blue Iris Journal":
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Peter Lappen on "After the Rain" in "Bookreview.com", "Dead Trees
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"Blether Book Review":
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This article was accepted for publication in Central Europe Review
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