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NATO Enlargement and its Changing Missions

Tomas Valasek, Senior Analyst, [EMAIL PROTECTED] 

As NATO's 2002 Prague summit approaches, alliance members are beginning
to stake out their positions on enlargement. NATO is expected to decide
in Prague whether it accepts new members, which countries will be
selected, and in what time frame. German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder
ruffled feathers in NATO when he suggested that Russia might be
accepted, albeit not in the near term. More recently, French President
Jacques Chirac made a pitch for the three Baltic states - Latvia,
Lithuania, and Estonia - to be accepted to NATO in 2002. But what is
missing from these statements is a rationale for enlargement; a clear
definition of what NATO does and how new members would contribute to its
missions. 

The NATO enlargement issue cannot be divorced from the larger question
of NATO's purpose. Only in the context of NATO's future missions can one
examine whether new members would add to or detract from the alliance's
ability to carry out its goals. NATO's purpose is by no means immutable
or even clearly defined - the alliance's guiding document, the Strategic
Concept, has been revised twice in the past decade. With the exception
of most recent entrants, few NATO members today think of the alliance as
exclusively - or even primarily - a mutual defense organization. The
alliance is engaged in missions that its founders never would have
contemplated. 

NATO today is first and foremost a regional security organization. In
simplified terms, its work in the past six years has consisted of
enforcing internationally accepted norms of behavior, in both interstate
as well as intrastate conflicts (albeit at the cost of violating some of
these norms itself, as discussed below). It launched air strikes against
Bosnian Serb targets in 1995 to keep one ethnic group from massacring
another. It fought again in Kosovo in 1999 to stop the Yugoslav security
apparatus from using indiscriminate force and terror in quelling unrest
by the country's Albanian minority. At the time of writing this essay,
the alliance stands ready to launch another mission, in Macedonia, to
enforce a potential peace agreement between the Macedonian government
and ethnic Albanian militants. 

Is NATO the right organization to assume the regional security
responsibilities in Europe? It is not Europe's only security
organization, not even its largest one. One alternative to NATO is
Europe's largest collective security group, the 55-member Organization
for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). Unlike the OSCE, NATO is
an exclusive organization involving less than half of Europe's states.
The alliance's selective nature inevitably raises questions about its
legitimacy. By what right does a group of 19 states enforce order among
Europe's 45 countries? NATO's Bosnia mission was launched on the request
of the United Nations' Security Council. But the Kosovo war received no
such endorsement. NATO acted on the basis of a vote in the North
Atlantic Council, the alliance's own highest decision-making body.
NATO's unilateral action appeared to violate, if not the letter, then
the spirit, of the U.N. Charter. 

NATO is, in effect, a self-appointed private security force. It is
benevolent in that it seeks to enforce, in the allies' best
interpretation, a universally accepted set of rules, modeled after the
U.N. Charter. This benevolence is a part of the reason why no fewer than
nine European countries seek NATO membership rather than fear its power.
But NATO remains a self-appointed interpreter and enforcer of these
rules, and it is willing to enforce them with military might, and as
such in inevitably arouses suspicions among some neighbors. Russia's
objections to NATO's Kosovo operation focused not as much on the
tactical issues as they did on the fact that the alliance launched the
air war without a U.N. Security Council authorization. Even more
worrisome to Moscow, nothing theoretically prevents the alliance from
launching a similar operation against Russia itself. In polls conducted
in April 1999, in the midst of the Kosovo war, 70 percent to 73 percent
of Russians said they considered the NATO military operation in
Yugoslavia a direct threat to Russia's security. 

Fears that NATO may potentially abuse its military might have translated
into tensions and insecurity as countries such as Russia seek to form
alliances implicitly aimed against NATO. The president of Belarus,
Alexander Lukashenko, justified the union between Russia and Belarus as
a response to NATO's aggression against Yugoslavia. So, would Europe be
better off with a collective security organization instead of NATO?
Could the enforcer be causing more damage than good through the methods
it uses to enforce otherwise sound principles? 

Not necessarily. NATO's exclusivity is also one of its strengths. By
keeping its membership relatively limited, NATO has preserved its
ability to act -- it is far easier to reach consensus among 19 nations
that among 34. Also, a smaller, more cohesive membership has allowed
NATO to preserve its core values. As expressed in the Membership Action
Plans -- guideline documents for NATO applicants -- these values are:
market economy, freedom of expression, peaceful resolution of domestic
and international conflicts, transparency, and a market economy
relatively free of corruption. This basket of norms accepted by NATO
members is crucial to its existence - promotion and enforcement of these
values has, in effect, become NATO's central mission. If the alliance
lost consensus on what principles it stands and fights for, it would
find itself without a purpose. 

The OSCE does provide an alternative to NATO but lacks the ability to
enforce its decisions. The flip side of collective security arrangements
is that the same voluntary principle that is at the heart of OSCE's
mandate makes the organization unequipped for situations when a member
state refuses to abide by its principles. In the past few years, OSCE's
instructions to Russia to vacate its bases in Moldova and Georgia have
gone partially or completely unheeded. The OSCE's only tool to punish
Yugoslavia for its behavior in Bosnia and Kosovo was suspension of the
country's membership. But with Belgrade outside the organization, the
OSCE lost all leverage over events in the Balkan country. 

NATO is not the perfect answer but it is better than the alternatives. A
Europe without a security organization would be a far more dangerous
place. As proposed earlier, Balkan conflicts would most likely still be
burning out of control. For better or worse, Europe will rely on NATO
for the foreseeable future to provide peace and security to the
continent. 

Does NATO's changing role mean that applicants should be judged by
different criteria than in the past? For example, should the applicant's
ability to defend itself dominate the list of criteria when most NATO
military plans and exercises are geared for humanitarian crises and
peacekeeping? Is the proximity of the applicant countries to areas of
conflict, such as the former Yugoslavia, a liability or an asset? And
would enlargement help or aggravate NATO's legitimacy problem? All these
questions will need to be explored before the alliance can make a
confident decision on enlargement in 2002. 

(This article is an excerpt from an upcoming CDI book on NATO
enlargement, to be released this fall). 

    The Center for Defense Information
                       The Weekly Defense Monitor

             1779 Massachusetts Ave., NW * Washington, DC 20036
              (202)332-0600 * Fax (202)462-4559 * www.cdi.org
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