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[ And what about arms embargo imposed on the whole ex-YU ?
Who supplied tanks and other military hardware to Croats?
CIA, MPRI and Croatian forces launched operation "Storm" against Krajina
Serbs and Canadian peacekeepers. The first sentence in the report is
very untrue.]


http://www.msnbc.com/news/616111.asp

What Did the CIA Know?

Ante Gotovina stands accused of war crimes. Now the Croat wants his
former allies in U.S. intelligence to help prove him innocent

By Roy Gutman
NEWSWEEK INTERNATIONAL



      Aug. 27 issue -  At a secluded military base on Croatia's Adriatic
coast, an unpiloted CIA plane rolled down the runway, then climbed
slowly over tall pine trees and headed into hostile airspace. It was
July 1995, and a new conflict was brewing.

        SERBIAN LEADER SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC had conquered Croatia's
Krajina border zone with Bosnia in 1991, and now Croatia was preparing a
lightning assault to get it back. Americans in military uniform,
operating from a cream-colored trailer near the runway, directed the
GNAT-750 drone to photograph Serb troop positions and weapons
emplacements. The images were transmitted back to base, analyzed and
then passed on to the Pentagon. According to top Croat intelligence
officials, copies were also sent to the headquarters of the Croatian
general in command of "Operation Storm."
       The classified reconnaissance missions continued for months,
until long after Croat forces had pushed the Serbs into neighboring
Bosnia. And the information proved vital to the success of Operation
Storm, according to the Croats. Late in the 72-hour campaign, Croat
officials say, the drone photos showed Serb forces massing for a
counterthrust. The Croatian commander of the operation, Gen. Ante
Gotovina, massed his own troops at the point of the Serb breakthrough
and shattered the assault. Now the successful CIA operation is about to
become defense exhibit A in a war-crimes case at The Hague tribunal.
Last month prosecutors announced the indictment of General Gotovina for
atrocities committed during and after Operation Storm, including the
murder of 150 Krajina Serbs, the forced displacement of as many as
200,000 others and the torching of thousands of homes. Gotovina, 45, who
once served in the French Foreign Legion, denies any role in the
atrocities, most of which occurred in the three months after the
military operation ended. Yet he has refused to surrender to the
tribunal, complaining that he would have to spend years in jail awaiting
trial. Gotovina's Chicago-based lawyer, Luka Misetic, argues that U.S.
intelligence will be vital to his case. "He was in the chain of command,
but there was this other set of eyes and ears watching this operation,"
says Misetic. "No one there [in the CIA] saw there was a problem with
war crimes or a crime against humanity ... The information the United
States possesses is relevant to establishing General Gotovina's
innocence."


Croatia: What Did the FBI Know?


        Now a NEWSWEEK investigation has shown that U.S. intelligence
cooperation with Croatia went far deeper than Washington has ever
acknowledged. According to Miro Tudjman, son of the late president
Franjo Tudjman and head of the Croatian counterpart to the CIA in the
mid-1990s, the United States provided encryption gear to each of
Croatia's regular Army brigades. He says the CIA also spent at least $10
million on Croatian listening posts to intercept telephone calls in
Bosnia and Serbia. "All our [electronic] intelligence in Croatia went
online in real time to the National Security Agency in Washington," says
Tudjman. "We had a de facto partnership."

A 'LIAISON RELATIONSHIP'
       American officials familiar with intelligence issues confirm that
the CIA operated drones from a base near Zadar on the Adriatic coast,
during and after Operation Storm. They also acknowledge what they
describe as "limited sharing" of intelligence information with Croatia.
(Two former senior administration officials, however, deny that such
sharing was ever approved by the White
House.) And although U.S. officials refuse to talk about encryption
equipment, they confirm there was a "liaison relationship" with Croatia
and other countries in the region to gather information.

           They also insist American operatives did nothing that
contributed to war crimes. The United States "knew of a military
operation being planned," says Pierre-Richard Prosper, the U.S.
ambassador-at-large for war-crimes issues,
adding: "We did not know about planning for criminal activity." A former
senior administration official says the White House had "the usual
scatter of information about individual incidents," but no evidence
"Croats were going out of their way to terrorize the Serb population."
Retired Croatian army Gen. Ante Gotovina, indicted for atrocities
committed in the Balkans, believes that U.S. intelligence information
could prove his innocence
          The charges against Gotovina could be difficult to prove.
United Nations chief prosecutor Carla Del Ponte says in her indictment
that Gotovina has both personal and command responsibility for
atrocities committed during and after Operation Storm. The indictment
specifically argues that the "cumulative effect" of actions by the
Croatian Army "led to the large-scale displacement" of Serbs. But to
many people who followed events in Krajina, that charge seems dubious.
"The fact is, the population left before the Croatian Army got there,"
says Peter Galbraith, who was U.S. ambassador to Croatia in 1995. "You
can't deport people who have already left."

             Skeptics have also questioned whether Gotovina had a role
in the executions of Serb civilians. "I cannot find a single document or
fact which points to Gotovina" as the man who ordered the atrocities,
says Ivan-Zvonimir Cicak, a leading Croatian human-rights advocate.
Sonja Biserko, a human-rights activist in Serbia who interviewed
hundreds of refugees from Krajina, blames "paramilitaries, police and
ordinary citizens" for the crimes.
        Many Croats suspect Gotovina is being targeted because the
tribunal feels pressure to prosecute people who are not Serbian.
Milosevic himself, in jail awaiting trial in The Hague, has accused the
tribunal of being one-sided. Just last week, in a preliminary motion
contesting the U.N. court's legality, he asserted the tribunal was
"selective and political" and "incapable of acting equally."

           The prosecutor's office vigorously denies charges that it is
aiming to achieve ethnic balance in its indictments. And while chief
prosecutor Del Ponte will not discuss specifics, she dismisses criticism
about the strength of her case. "Since we bear the burden of proof," she
said through a spokesman, "it is reasonable to assume that we are
confident about being in a position to make our point in court."


         In Croatia, the Gotovina case has stirred passions. Billboards
along the Adriatic coast proclaim gotovina: a hero, not a criminal. The
current government-which, unlike Tudjman's regime, is actively
cooperating with The Hague tribunal-has sharply criticized the court
over the indictment of Gotovina and another, lower-ranking general. And
the country's former intelligence chiefs have decided to speak out about
their ties to the United States as a way of vouching for Gotovina's
innocence. "I always said that the only people in Croatia who know
everything are the Americans," says Markica Rebic, the former head of
military intelligence. When Gotovina stands trial, some of those
Americans may be asked to testify about their country's role in an ugly
conflict.


------------------------------------------------------------------------
--------
With John Barry in Washington

       C 2001 Newsweek, Inc.

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