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Pravda.RU:Main:More in detail
http://english.pravda.ru/main/2001/08/20/12879.html
 
 18:58 2001-08-20

ALAN BOCK: A MACEDONIAN FANTASY? 

There are essentially two types of peace agreements: those that ratify a
peace that is in place for whatever reason (conquest, surrender,
war-weariness) and those that seek to push forward a "process" that has
not yet brought anything resembling an actual peace. One may hope that
the Macedonian peace accord signed Monday is in the former category, but
it is more likely that it is in the latter, which means it is more
likely to be an illusion - and another opportunity for NATO to assert
power - than a genuine step toward peace. 
It can be appropriate and helpful for an outside entity to get involved
in facilitating an agreement that is a done deal or even close to
completion. Sometimes a neutral party can help to build bridges, tie up
details, provide a forum in which trust can be built - when the parties
involved in hostilities are actually ready to cease hostilities. When
the parties engaged in hostilities are not really ready to stop engaging
in violence and recriminations - the Israeli-Palestinian situation comes
to mind - a forced agreement imposed by outside parties is not only
something of a fantasy, it is likely to damage the prospects for a
genuine settlement. 

THE MISSING PARTY 
In the case of the Macedonian agreement, the groups of guerrillas
generally called "ethnic Albanian rebels" in the media have been the
primary irritants, having begun insurgency operations in February. The
only way a peace agreement would have a chance of permanence would be
for those rebel groups to be a signatory, or at least to have agreed
informally to abide by the agreement. Naturally, the rebels are not a
party to the agreement. Instead, some ethnic Albanian political groups
with tenuous connections to the rebels -- groups that have generally not
been involved in armed struggle in the first place -- signed on. 
Although at least one rebel leader said Tuesday (August 14) that the
rebels would respect the cease-fire, most Macedonian newspapers ranged
from guarded to skeptical to cynical in their assessments. The gaps
between apparently promising to disarm and actually disarming can be
quite large; just today the Irish Republican Army rejected another
proposal, part of a years-long process, to disarm as the British would
like them to disarm. I would be astounded if even a formal agreement to
disarm went forward without caches of weapons stored in various woods
and mountains. 

OTHER PROBLEMS 
The ethnic Albanian rebels are not the only relevant parties that
haven't completely bought into the wonderful NATO-crafted peace
"settlement." The government restricted media access to the signing
ceremony at the Skopje residence of Macedonian president Boris
Trajkovski, fearing Macdonians would be angered by what most view as
compromises to appease the rebels. 

MISSING THE POINT 
The US-NATO fallacy driving this manic push for some piece of paper for
somebody to sign, Ted Carpenter of the Cato Institute believes, is that
what the ethnic Albanian rebels want is a better deal from the
Macedonian state. Carpenter notes that at least half the rebels are not
from Macedonia at all, but from Kosovo. And what most of the rebel
leaders say they want is not recognition of Albanian as a second
official language, but a Greater Albania. 
The NATO and American diplomats seem to view the conflicts in the
Balkans as akin to political contests among various ethnic groups in
large American cities, so they think they are buying off groups by
offering jobs, patronage, respect and a place at the table to a few
designated leaders. 

THE GUFFAW FACTOR 
There's a certain almost charming naivetĘ in some of the statements from
the diplomats who assembled to supervise the signing. 
"Clearly, there has to be a sustainable cease-fire," Lord Robertson
fantasized, "and clear indications from the insurgents that they mean
business in terms of disarming completely and handing over their weapons
and ammunition to the NATO troops when they come." 
Has he ever talked to anybody with even the slightest involvement in the
Northern Ireland conflict? 
Even more amusing was James Pardew of the United States, who said, "This
is the day when we can begin an end to this conflict and take all the
political issues off the table. After this day, there should be no
reason for fighting." 

DEFENDING YESTERDAY'S INTERVENTION 
The most plausible explanation I have seen for the determination of NATO
and US diplomats to get involved in an almost surely untenable situation
in Macedonia comes from Gary Dempsey of Cato, who served as an election
observer in Bosnia and has spent considerable time in the region. He
thinks the reason is to try to prevent the previous intervention in
Kosovo from blowing up in NATO's face. 
The Albanian rebels in Macedonia, especially since many of them are from
Kosovo, have the capacity to do a good deal of mischief in Kosovo.
Insofar as they do, it just might become too apparent even for NATO and
the international press to ignore that the mission in Kosovo has not
only been a failure but a destabilizing factor. So to maintain the
pretense that the Kosovo occupation is something other than a farce NATO
is willing to get even more deeply involved in a highly volatile
situation in Macedonia. It probably won't work as a means of staving off
disaster in Kosovo, though it might divert attention from Kosovo for a
while. 

By Alan Bock 

www.antiwar.com

 
 

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