Visit our website: HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.ORG.UK
---------------------------------------------

New York Times
SEP 04, 2001

How About Sending NATO Somewhere Important?
By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN
n a recent column I offered a possible new approach
for resolving the Israeli-Palestinian crisis — that
NATO or a NATO-like force be invited to assume control
over the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

What prompted this idea was a sense that no one is
talking about the real problem between Israelis and
Palestinians — that Israel cannot continue to occupy
the West Bank and Gaza and remain a Jewish state, with
a Jewish majority and democracy. But it also cannot
just unilaterally quit the West Bank and Gaza without
any deal with the Palestinians, because it would leave
an angry, uncontrolled, chopped-up Palestinian
mini-state that would be economically non- viable and
strategically unstable. 

What Oslo I was all about was an attempt at negotiated
separation. It didn't work — because Israel built
peace with one hand and greedy, idiotic settlements
with the other; and because the Palestinians built
peace with one hand and hatred of Jews in mosques,
schools and textbooks with the other (see Durban).
Eventually, though, this latest return to a grinding
conflict will exhaust everyone and prompt another
attempt at negotiated separation — Oslo II.

The big problem in Oslo II will be overcoming the fact
that Palestinian police, armed by Israel and entrusted
with keeping the borders quiet, have turned their
weapons on Israel. It is impossible to imagine a
majority of Israelis saying: "Oh well, we entrusted
Yasir Arafat with our security in Oslo I. He flunked,
but what the heck, let's try again." So where does
that leave us? (1) We know that if Israel remains in
the West Bank and Gaza it will undermine Jewish
democracy. (2) We know that if Israel just pulls back
and puts up a wall, it will leave behind a dangerous,
threatening, unstable vacuum. (3) We know that Mr.
Arafat alone cannot be trusted by Israelis to maintain
the peace along any new border or wall, but we also
know that only Mr. Arafat and his security forces are
able, when they want to, to control Palestinian
extremists on their side. (4) As such, we know that
some trusted, neutral force — other than Mr. Arafat —
has to be enlisted to patrol any border between Israel
and the West Bank and Gaza, and that this border needs
to be drawn in a way that gives Palestinians a big
enough state so they have an incentive to maintain
internal security and work with whoever is guarding
the wall. 

This is where NATO could play a critical role.
Obviously, first there will have to be a cease-fire
and some cooling-down period. After that, though, one
can still imagine a deal in which Israel agrees to
withdraw from the West Bank and Gaza along the lines
proposed by Bill Clinton — which is to say from
roughly 95 percent of the territories, with Israel
retaining the other 5 percent, where 80 percent of the
Jewish settlers live. The Palestinians would be
compensated with 5 percent of the northern Negev near
Gaza, as well as certain purely Arab neighborhoods in
East Jerusalem.

In return, the Palestinians would have to agree that
their state would be entirely demilitarized and that
this demilitarization would be supervised and
maintained by 30,000 NATO troops, similar to Kosovo's.
NATO would have responsibility for controlling all
borders and entry points, to ensure that no heavy
weapons come in, and would work with the Palestinian
police force — the only armed units Palestinians would
be permitted — on internal security.

The Palestinians would have to decide: Do they want a
state, with a flag, their own government, currency and
a homeland for refugees — or do they want an army? If
it's an army they want, then it is an army they
already have. And if that Palestinian people's army
decides it would rather fight the Jews with suicide
bombs than talk, it will — I fear — eventually trigger
a movement in Israel for the expulsion of the entire
Arafat leadership, if not more. If it is a state that
the Palestinians want, then the price would be the
rough Clinton compromise, demilitarized, with NATO
supervising that demilitarization.

Yes, yes, yes, I know — this is not a perfect
solution, and millions of issues would have to be
resolved. But perfect isn't on the menu anymore. The
only choices are "awful," "worse" and "least bad."
Israel indefinitely occupying the West Bank would be
awful. Israel simply quitting part of it, and leaving
behind a roiling mess, would be worse. Some variation
of this NATO approach could be the least bad. Think
about it. 



__________________________________________________
Do You Yahoo!?
Get email alerts & NEW webcam video instant messaging with Yahoo! Messenger
http://im.yahoo.com

-------------------------------------------------
This Discussion List is the follow-up for the old stopnato @listbot.com that has been 
shut down

==^================================================================
EASY UNSUBSCRIBE click here: http://topica.com/u/?a84x2u.a9spWA
Or send an email To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
This email was sent to: archive@jab.org

T O P I C A -- Register now to manage your mail!
http://www.topica.com/partner/tag02/register
==^================================================================



Reply via email to