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Institute for War is Peace Reporting

[Without pretending to know the details of the
incident in question, one can't help sensing a Kosovo
or Macedonia flavor about the IWPR account of it. I'm
sure they had the same thing to say about "hysterical,
unsubstantiated" reports of KLA-linked killings in
Southern Serbia in 1999 and in Macedonia until
recently.
And the "hateful, vicious, anti-Albanian Slav" motif
is nicely, if none too subtly, woven into the
scenario; will prove highly useful in the not too
distant future as a rationale for Kalashnikov and
grenade launcher toting civil rights activists.
Odd that the author dosen't develop the interesting
angle of the killers crossing over the allegedly
patrolled Kosovo border back to safety; nor the fact
that 100,000 ethnic Albanian 'tourists' have visited
Montenegro recently, possibly including Hasim Thaci.
"They say many Balkans wars began first in the media
and then flared up over seemingly isolated incidents."
Blessed innocence.]





Hysteria Over Albanian 'Plot' 
The murder of a Serb in Montenegro has sparked a wave
of anti-Albanian sentiment.

Petar Komnenic reports from Plav, Montenegro (BCR NO.
277, 4-Sept-01)

The killing of a Serbian woodcutter in the north of
Montenegro has prompted anti-Albanian campaigners to
whip up a storm of hysteria. The murder was cited as
evidence that Albanian terrorists were plotting a
rebellion against the Montenegrin government.

The uprising threat was strongly disputed by
supporters of President Milo Djukanovic. They say the
killing, on August 24, was a straightforward robbery
by Albanian criminals, and was unconnected with
politics. This view was shared by the local police in
Plav, the small town close to the scene of the crime.

The murder victim, Nenad Markovic, had come to
Montenegro with his colleague Damjan Bozic from Bosnia
and Herzegovina to earn money during the summer
felling trees in the border area. After killing
Markovic and severely wounding Bozic, the Albanians
fled with their cash to Kosovo.

Pro-Serbian writers in the Montenegrin media seized on
the incident and started splashing stories about an
imminent revolt by "Albanian terrorists". Stark
parallels were drawn with the conflict in Macedonia.
The language was a replay of the campaign waged during
parliamentary elections on April 22 by parties who
want to keep Montenegro inside the rump Yugoslav
federation.

Supporters of Djukanovic and his drive for
independence poured scorn on the notion that
Montenegro's Albanian minority, which makes up around
7 per cent of the population, is plotting a rebellion.
They insisted that mutual coexistence with the
Albanians remains possible.

Following the April election, two pro-Yugoslav daily
papers, Dan and Glas Crnogoraca, maintained a drumbeat
of warnings about an Albanian terrorist threat. They
claimed that Albanians intended to take over chunks of
Montenegrin territory as part of a Greater Albania.

These two newspapers, based in the capital, Podgorica,
reported the existence of three training camps for
Albanian terrorists in Montenegro, located on the
Kosovo-Albanian border. The uprising was supposed to
be at Plav and Gusinje in the north, and at Ulcinj in
the south, both areas with predominantly Albanian
populations.

Local politicians, however, told a different story.

Milutin Vujosevic, a senior official of the People's
Party from Plav told IWPR, "I think Nenad Markovic's
murder had nothing to do with Albanian terrorism. This
was an armed robbery." 

Adem Dzurlic of the Bosniak Party of Democratic
Action, also from Plav, agreed. Dzavid Sabovic, a
Social Democratic Party official and director of a
Plav cultural centre, said speculation of terrorism
was laughable, but he expressed concern that the
robbery would be used to stir up trouble for
Albanians.

The citizens of Plav - Montenegrins, Albanians and
Muslims - are especially worried. They say many Balkan
wars began first in the media and then flared up over
seemingly isolated incidents. 

In Plav, the main preoccupation now is not terrorism
but the poverty of a region where hardly any factories
or companies now operate. Because about a third of the
population has moved away during the past decade, the
municipality has the same number of people it had at
the start of the 20th century.

Not far from Plav, near the border with Kosovo, stands
a little village called Vusanje which is now inhabited
only by old people. Many younger residents moved away
to look for jobs, others left in fear of ethnic
revenge following the NATO action in Kosovo.

One old Albanian sitting in front of his house scoffed
at the stories of terrorism. Pointing his stick at a
group of village elders he said, "There are only old
people left here and they can hardly hold a glass of
brandy in their hands, let alone a rifle."

Besides Plav, the coastal town of Ulcinj is also a
focus of Montenegrin media attention. Albanians and
Montenegrins have lived peacefully together here for
decades. But, according to the newspaper Dan, Ulcinj
played host to Albanian radicals this summer,
including Hashim Thaci, a former Kosovo Liberation
Army commander turned Kosovo Albanian political
leader. 

A senior official from the ministry of interior who
wished to remain anonymous, denied that Thaci had
visited Ulcinj. "The only people who invaded Ulcinj
this summer were tourists," the official said.

Estimates put the number of summer visitors to Ulcinj
at a record figure of more than 100,000, mainly
Albanians from Kosovo and Albania. However, people
also came from Serbia, judging by the number of
Serbian registered vehicle licence plates.

Stories of a looming uprising are rejected on all
sides in Ulcinj. "You can see how crowded the city is
and yet we did not have a single incident the whole
summer," said Gavrilo Subregovic, a Montenegrin who
oversees one of the town's most famous beaches. 

Most residents seem too busy counting their takings
from the tourist trade, believed to be several million
German marks a day, to worry about terrorism.

Despite all this, the woodcutter's murder still brings
a chorus of accusation against Montenegrin Albanians.
"This incident can threaten peace in our republic,"
stated the opposition Serbian People's Party. 

A spokesperson for the Socialist People's Party,
Dragan Koprivica, claimed that "secret plans for total
Albanian domination of Montenegro are under way". 

Montenegro, he said, "could soon experience a similar
fate to Macedonia". The pro-Yugoslav Serbian People's
Party warned that President Djukanovic's plan for a
referendum on independence could deepen the crisis.

In the general hysteria, few people took notice of the
police statement that the woodcutter was killed by
robbers, not terrorists. The fact that the Montenegrin
interior ministry, together with the UN in Kosovo, had
already identified five suspects who carried out
similar assaults near Pec received scant attention.

"Anti-democratic forces in Montenegro and elsewhere
are trying to portray Albanians as a dangerous
element, although they are themselves aware this isn't
true," Ferhat Dinosa, a spokesperson for the
Democratic Union of Albanians, in Montenegro told
IWPR. 

He noted that an uprising predicted for the summer had
not materialised and called on the government to take
measures against the perpetrators of these
allegations.

The state prosecutor has since brought charges against
journalists of Dan and Glas Crnogoraca, accusing them
of spreading religious and national hatred. 

Petar Komnenic is a freelance journalist in
Montenegro.



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