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What remains to be seen is how the rebels keep NATO in Macedonia or how 
they will make the alliance return when Operation Essential Harvest comes 
to an end.

The Washington Times
September 9, 2001

  PURE FICTION IN MACEDONIA

Gary Dempsey

The first wave of 3,500 NATO troops has poured into Macedonia to begin a 
30-day mission to "disarm" ethnic Albanian guerrillas as part of Operation 
Essential Harvest. But Essential Harvest is just the latest move NATO has 
made that gets it wrong in the Balkans.
First, look at the numbers. The Macedonian government estimates that ethnic 
Albanian rebels have 70,000 weapons, roughly 23 times more than the 3,000 
that rebel leaders say they'll turn over to NATO weapons collectors. NATO 
officials, meanwhile, barely disagree with the rebels, and say 3,300 
weapons is a "credible, accurate, and non-negotiable" estimate of what 
should be turned in before the alliance declares the disarmament a success.
Macedonian Prime Minister Ljubco Georgievski, however, says, "We used to 
seize that quantity in a single raid.... I think it is laughable to speak 
about 3,300 pieces six months after the outbreak of crisis."
If NATO's involvement in neighboring Kosovo is any guide, Mr. Georgievski 
has a right to be incredulous. After the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) 
turned in roughly 10,000 guns -- many of them broken or antiquated -- NATO 
officials declared that the rebel group was disarmed. What NATO officials 
failed to mention was that a few days earlier, German soldiers stumbled on 
a secret cache of 10 tons of ammunition. And that was only the beginning.
British troops later found two concrete bunkers dug into a hillside in a 
forested area of central Kosovo containing 67 tons of weapons and 
explosives, including 20,000 grenades, thousands of mines, and half a 
million bullets. A NATO spokesperson said the weapons were enough to 
eliminate the entire population of Kosovo's capital, Pristina, or to 
destroy 900 to 1,000 tanks.
NATO units have since discovered dozens of hidden weapons stockpiles 
scattered throughout Kosovo. One included sniper rifles, machine guns, more 
than 80 mines, 100 pounds of TNT and paraphernalia to detonate bombs 
remotely -- "clear indications of a terrorist capability," explained a 
prepared NATO statement on the find.
In another incident, NATO soldiers in Kosovo discovered a complex of 
bunkers and fighting positions only 12 miles from the Kosovo-Macedonia border.
What's more, even if Macedonia's rebels turn in 3,300 weapons as NATO 
wants, it really won't make much difference militarily. According to a top 
NATO commander, the rebels can easily and quickly replace the weapons they 
turn in. Indeed, over the past six months, NATO's Kosovo force has 
intercepted as many weapons destined for Macedonia as the rebels now claim 
to have in their possession, and what NATO intercepted is probably a drop 
in the bucket compared to the total number of weapons that made it across 
Kosovo's mountainous border.
Macedonia's rebels could also replenish the few weapons they turn in by 
smuggling others in from neighboring Albania. In 1997, the central 
government in Albania collapsed. In the ensuing chaos, the government's 
arms depots were thrown open. Between 650,000 and 1 million light weapons 
and 1.5 billion rounds of ammunition were stolen. An estimated 3.5 million 
hand grenades, 1 million anti-personnel mines, 840,000 mortar shells, and 
3,600 tons of explosives also went missing. Many of the plundered weapons 
headed straight into the hands of the region's gun traffickers and ethnic 
Albanian militants.
Lastly, Macedonia's rebels could turn to drug trafficking to resupply 
whatever arms they turn over to NATO.
Indeed, as early as June 1994, the Paris-based Geopolitical Drug Watch 
(GDW) issued a bulletin that concluded narcotics smuggling had become a 
prime source of financing for civil wars already under way -- or rapidly 
brewing -- in southeastern Europe.
The GDW bulletin went on to identify Albanian nationalists in Kosovo and 
Macedonia as key players in the region's accelerating drugs-for-arms 
traffic and noted they were transporting up to $2 billion worth of heroin 
annually into Central and Western Europe "in order to finance large 
purchases of weapons" from black-market arms dealers in Switzerland.
At the time the report was written, more than 500 Albanians from Kosovo and 
Macedonia were in prison in Switzerland for drug- or arms-trafficking 
offenses, and more than 1,000 others were under indictment.
Ultimately, Operation Essential Harvest is based on two fictions: that 
Macedonia's ethnic Albanian rebels have only 3,300 weapons, and that their 
objective isn't to keep NATO in Macedonia indefinitely. Neither belief is 
true. The rebels have far more weapons and easy access to resupplies. They 
are also served by NATO's presence because it keeps Macedonia's government 
forces out of their occupied territory.

What remains to be seen is how the rebels keep NATO in Macedonia or how 
they will make the alliance return when Operation Essential Harvest comes 
to an end.

Gary Dempsey, a foreign policy analyst at the Cato Institute, is the lead 
author of the newly published book, "Fool's Errands: America's Recent 
Encounters with Nation-Building."

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