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-These networks may well have state sponsorship. And
here, more intense, visible action, involving not only
strikes but also substantial ground action, may be
required to gain the surrender of hostile
governments....
-If these attacks were the second Pearl Harbor, then
it will take more than a second Dolittle raid [U.S.air
attacks on Japan] to win this war.
[The allusion to the Dolittle raids being insuffient
should be obvious, given what was employed after them.
And General Wesley Clark, a bona fide war criminal if
ever there was one, pretends that the scattershot air
strikes and even ground invasions of several nations
not remotely connected to Osama bin Laden can be
conduced "within the bounds of international law."
Rather international lawlessness, as practiced by the
likes of none more than Clark himself.]

We must target and destroy the terrorist network.
There is no room for half measures

Wesley Clark

Saturday September 15, 2001
The Guardian 
America is indeed at war. The attacks in New York and
Washington have raised the dangers posed by
international terrorism to a new level. But despite
the awful familiarity of the devastation, an effective
US response is likely to be something unfamiliar. 
For the US, the weapons of this war should be
information, law enforcement and, rarely, active
military force. The coalition that will form around
the US and its Nato allies should agree on its intent,
but not trumpet its plans. No vast military
deployments should be anticipated. But urgent measures
should be taken behind the scenes because the
populations and economic structures of western nations
will be at risk. 
And the American public will have to grasp a new
approach to warfare. Our objective should be neither
revenge nor retaliation, though we will achieve both.
Rather, we must systematically target and destroy the
complex network of international terrorism. The aim
should be to attack not buildings but people who have
masterminded, coordinated, supported and executed
these and other attacks. I can hear warnings to us to
narrow our objectives because the task is so
difficult, warnings there may be failures and actions
that can never be acknowledged. But now all must
accept at face value the terrorists' unwavering
hostility to the US and all that it stands for. There
is no room for half-measures in our response. 
Our methods should rely first on domestic and
international law, and the support and active
participation of our friends and allies. Evidence must
be collected, networks uncovered and a faceless threat
given identity. In some cases, astute police work will
win the day, here and abroad. In others, international
collaboration may be necessary. Special military
forces may be called on to operate in states that are
uncooperative or unable to control their own
territory. In exceptional cases, targets will be
developed that may be handled by conventional military
strikes. 
But this will be mostly arduous, detailed and often
covert work to track, detain or engage and take down
adversaries, rolling them up cell by cell and
headquarters by headquarters. These networks may well
have state sponsorship. And here, more intense,
visible action, involving not only strikes but also
substantial ground action, may be required to gain the
surrender of hostile governments or the end of their
support for terrorists. But we should not
underestimate the overpowering impact of a determined
America and its allies in forcing pre-emptive changes
in previously uncooperative states. 
Some will call for full disclosure and near-legal
standards of evidence before acting. Others will arm a
hair trigger, seeking to use the most readily
available information, even if scant. But we must not
pose legality and expediency as opposite extremes. To
be expedient, we must act within the bounds of
international law consistent with consensus among the
emerging allied coalition. Maintaining this consensus
will be one of the prime challenges we face. 
A second key challenge is to recognise that we are in
an action-reaction struggle with a capable and
competent adversary. Almost certainly there are other
gambits in preparation to be used against us. When
they are unable to hide, terrorists may be even more
willing to strike. More horrifying scenarios than
those of this week are easily imaginable. We must
strengthen our protective measures at airports, at
utilities and public service facilities, such as
communications networks, and prepare necessary public
health and disease control capabilities for the
possibility of nuclear and biological events. 
And if we are successful in preventing further
attacks, the other great challenge will be to maintain
our resolve. If these attacks were the second Pearl
Harbour, then it will take more than a second
Doolittle raid [US air attack on Japan] to win this
war. Months and years may be required. But we should
remember that sight in downtown Manhattan, and another
at the Pentagon, the morning of September 11, and
resolve that it shall never, ever happen again. We
should renew our resolve during every inconvenience at
an airport and every impediment to our activities. 
For a decade the US has periodically declared that its
top priority, or one of its top priorities, is to
protect its people against international terrorism. In
hindsight, it is clear that a well-intentioned defence
wasn't enough. This is a problem that now requires
more active measures and a commitment to eliminate
terrorism as a threat. And it requires an old concept,
decisive force, but defined and used in a new kind of
war. 
Wesley Clark is former supreme allied commander in
Europe and author of Waging Modern War. 


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