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INTERNATIONAL CRIME, NOT WAR ***

By Tom Barry and Martha Honey, FPIF Codirectors

(Editor's Note: This Global Affairs Commentary is also available at 
http://www.fpif.org/commentary/0109terror-crime.html.)

America is living through a tragedy of unprecedented depth. Our 
might--military and economic--has been targeted, and our vulnerability 
exposed. We are shocked, outraged, determined to respond. Yet we awake
to a 
new day sickened by the cruelty and insanity of this political 
violence--and uncertain if we, too, want blood on our hands.

Will vengeance, even when guided by the best of America's surgical
strike 
technology, ease this tragedy and end the cycle of terror? Upon
reflection 
and based on past experience, we know better.

The crime was horrific. Never have so many Americans died from violence
on 
a single day. It felt and looked like war. Our national security came
under 
direct attack, and the resulting carnage was comparable to the worst of 
war--Pearl Harbor, firebombing of Dresden, Cambodia, and Normandy. 
President Bush and Secretary of State Powell have call the crashes "acts
of 
war." But having four commercial airliners commandeered by political 
fanatics is not war, it is international terrorism, albeit at its worst.
No 
nation or peoples have declared war on the United States. In terms of 
intent and character, the political violence yesterday in Washington and

New York bears more similarity to the terrorist bombing of the federal 
building in Oklahoma City than to Pearl Harbor. Yesterday certainly was
a 
day of infamy, but it was not--and should not be--the beginning of war.

America and all nations concerned about peace, justice, and dignity will

need to respond. But the response should be deliberate, just, and
humane. 
In the past, the U.S. has responded to terrorist attacks with military 
strikes that were misdirected, mistakenly targeted, and
counterproductive. 
The 1986 bombing raids on two Libyan cities, the bombing of a Baghdad 
neighborhood in 1993 in response to rumors of a planned assassination 
attempt on former President Bush, and most recently the air strike on a 
Sudanese pharmaceutical plant mistakenly believed to be a chemical
weapons 
factory associated with Osama bin Laden are three cases that should
remind 
us of the folly--and terrorism--of vengeful retaliatory strikes.

Talk by our leaders of war and retribution, while possibly boosting our 
patriotic spirit, is dangerous and irresponsible. The politics of
vengeance 
will do little to protect us, and will only fuel more terrorism. But 
neither can we passively accept our helplessness and vulnerability.

We need to mourn, bury our dead, and move on--but not to business and 
foreign policy as usual. What's needed now is a new U.S. resolve to 
address--and not simply react to--the causes of political violence in
the 
post-cold war world. Our president's father promised at the onset of the

Persian Gulf War to establish a "new world order" but it's a promise
that 
has gone unfulfilled. Instead, over the past decade we have seen rising 
global disorder and conflict. Rather than gathering the world's nations 
together to address the scourges of international terrorism, ethnic and 
religious conflicts, and the polarization of poor and wealthy nations,
the 
U.S. has relinquished its leadership role. Arrogance, unilateralism, 
isolationism, and imperialism are the terms now commonly used by the 
international press and scholars to describe the U.S. role in global
affairs.

The attack on America's centers of power was an extremist reaction to
what 
is perceived as a new world order where only the U.S. calls the shots.
But 
it was, first and foremost, a crime against all humanity. If there is to
be 
justice in this incident and if there is to be the rule of law in 
international affairs, the U.S. should seek the solace and support of
the 
international community. Despite differences with U.S. foreign policy, 
especially in the conflicted Middle East, nations around the world have 
been quick to express their own outrage and willingness to join with 
America to fight and reduce the causes of international terrorism.

As Americans deliberate an effective response to this tragedy and crime,
we 
must first reject the call for war. The gauntlet goading us to
militaristic 
responses that treat human life as callously as the terrorists treated
ours 
must be categorically rejected. As with any other crime, the
perpetrators 
and their accomplices must be brought to justice--in the courts of law,
not 
according to the fundamentalist "eye-for-an-eye, tooth-for-a-tooth" 
precepts. In recent years, we have made encouraging progress in 
establishing and enforcing international norms for human rights and
crimes 
against humanity. This is an opportunity to forge a broader
international 
coalition--bringing disparate nations together in a common determination
to 
fight against such crimes against humanity. A first principle, then,
must 
be that we treat this as an international crime, not an act of war, and 
that the rules of law should guide international response.

A second principle that should guide U.S. policy is that our
investigation, 
pursuit, and prosecution should as much as possible count on
consultation 
with and the cooperation of the world community of nations. Any
government 
suspected of harboring or otherwise aiding these international
terrorists 
should answer to concerted international pressure, not just American 
outrage. If indeed, military action is deemed necessary, it should carry

the approval of the UN Security Council--otherwise the U.S. too will be 
violating the basic principles of international law.

While charting the appropriate response, the U.S. government must also 
begin the long-overdue task of formulating a security policy that truly 
protects Americans from new global threats. As critics have insisted,
the 
Bush administration's promise that a national missile defense system
would 
protect us looks increasingly hollow. If terrorists want to attack us,
they 
can do so from our own soil and with our own aircraft. Our politicians 
would dishonor the dead, however, if they focused the new security
debate 
solely on issues of intelligence reform and defense technology. More 
fundamentally, the U.S. needs to take a hard look at the policies and 
political structures that fan the flames of terrorism--to understand why

such anger in the Middle East and elsewhere is directed at America. The 
task of forging a security policy not just on our response capability
but 
also on addressing the new causal factors for war and terrorism is
surely 
America's greatest challenge--and our success will be the true measure
of 
our character.

Terrorism is mainly the weapon of the politically weak, frustrated 
ideologues, and religious fanatics. The U.S. should not retaliate in 
kind--not allowing any compulsion for revenge or the affirmation of U.S.

military might to divert America from its moral principles and global 
leadership responsibilities.

(Tom Barry <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> of the Interhemispheric Resource Center
and 
Martha Honey <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> of the Institute for Policy Studies are 
codirectors of Foreign Policy In Focus www.fpif.org.)

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