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----- Original Message ----- 
From: secr <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Sent: Sunday, December 23, 2001 9:49 PM
Subject: [mobilize-globally] Yemen, the United States, and Al-Qaida



------ Forwarded Message
From: eric stewart <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Reply-To: Conspiracy Theory Research List <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Date: Sun, 23 Dec 2001 11:37:21 -0800
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: [CTRL] Yemen, the United States, and Al-Qaida

-Caveat Lector-

http://www.fpif.org/commentary/0112yemen.html

Yemen, the United States, and Al-Qaida
By Stephen Zunes
December 19, 2001


There has been increasing attention on Yemen as the possible next major
focus in the U.S. campaign against terrorism. Yemeni government forces
have begun a crackdown against suspected Al-Qaida members and supporters,
and a number of armed clashes have ensued. This comes just weeks after the
November 26th meeting in Washington between President George W. Bush and
Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh, in which the Yemeni leader promised
cooperation in the struggle against terrorism and President Bush promised
additional security assistance to support that effort.

Yemen has almost as large a population as Saudi Arabia, yet lacks much in
the way of natural resources. Indeed, it is one of the poorest countries
in the world. Despite this, the Saudis have attacked Yemen on several
occasions along their disputed border, seizing one of the very few small
oil fields under Yemeni control. Despite this rather brazen act of greed
by the world's largest oil producer and the widespread discrimination and
repression against Yemeni migrant workers within Saudi Arabia, Washington
has generally sided with the Saudis in their ongoing disputes with this
poor republic on the southwestern corner of the Arabian peninsula.

The country was divided into North and South Yemen until 1990. South Yemen
received its independence from Great Britain in 1967 after years of armed
anti-colonial resistance, joining the British colony of Aden and the
British protectorate of South Arabia. Declaring itself the People's
Democratic Republic of Yemen, it became the Arab world's only
Marxist-Leninist state and developed close ties with the Soviet Union. As
many as 300,000 South Yemenis fled to the north in the years following
independence.

North Yemen, independent since the collapse of the Ottoman Empire in 1918,
became embroiled in a bloody civil war during the 1960s between
Saudi-backed royalist forces and Egyptian-backed republican forces. The
republican forces eventually triumphed, though political instability,
military coups, assassinations, and periodic armed uprisings continued. In
both countries, ancient tribal and modern ideological divisions made
control of the armed forces virtually impossible. Major segments of the
armies would periodically disintegrate, with soldiers bringing their
weapons home with them. Lawlessness and chaos have been common for
decades, with tribes regularly shifting loyalties in both their internal
feuds and their alliances with their governments. Many tribes have been in
a permanent state of war for years and almost every male adolescent and
adult routinely carries a rifle.

In 1979, in one of the more absurd episodes of the cold war, a minor
upsurge in fighting along the former border led to a major U.S. military
mobilization in response to what was depicted by the Carter administration
as a Soviet-sponsored act of international aggression. In March of that
year, South Yemeni forces, in support of North Yemeni guerrillas, shelled
some North Yemeni government positions. In response, President Carter
ordered the aircraft carrier Constellation and a flotilla of warships to
the Arabian Sea as a show of force. Bypassing congressional approval, the
administration rushed nearly $499 million worth of modern weaponry to
North Yemen, including 64 M-60 tanks, 70 armored personnel carriers, and
12 F-5E aircraft. Included were an estimated 400 American advisers and 80
Taiwanese pilots to pilot the sophisticated warplanes that no Yemeni knew
how to fly.

This reaction led to widespread international criticism, given that the
Soviets were apparently unaware of the border clashes and it appeared to
be a gross overreaction to a local conflict. Indeed, the fighting died
down within a couple of weeks. Development groups were particularly
critical of this U.S. attempt to send sophisticated weaponry to a country
with some of the highest rates of infant mortality, chronic disease, and
illiteracy in the world.

The communist regime in South Yemen collapsed not long after a fratricidal
conflict led to rival factions of the Politburo and Central Committee
killing each other and their supporters by the thousands. With the
southern leadership decimated, the two countries merged in May 1990,
creating a democratic constitution which gave Yemen one of the most
genuinely representative governments in the region.

When Yemen, serving as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council,
voted against the U.S.-led effort to authorize the use of force against
Iraq to drive the country' military from Kuwait, a U.S. representative was
overheard declaring to the Yemeni ambassador that it was "the most
expensive vote you have ever cast." The United States immediately withdrew
$70 million in foreign aid to Yemen while dramatically increasing aid to
neighboring dictatorships that supported the war effort.

Ideological and regional clan-based rivalries led to a civil war in 1994,
with the south seceding. Ironically, despite being led by some former
communists, the Saudis actually supported the secessionists as an effort
to destroy what they saw as a dangerous democratic experiment on their
southern border. However, northern forces succeeded in forcefully
reuniting the country within months.

Banditry and lawlessness continues to be widespread in rural areas. There
has been a series of kidnappings of Westerners in recent years, though
these have been more for ransom than for political reasons and--with one
tragic exception--all have been released unharmed.

Also in recent years, the United States has raised concerns about major
operations by the Al-Qaida network within Yemen's porous borders. Many
Yemenis participated in the U.S.-supported anti-Soviet resistance in
Afghanistan during the 1980s, becoming radicalized by the experience and
developing links with Osama bin Laden, a Saudi whose father comes from a
Yemeni family. In October 2000, the U.S. Navy ship Cole was attacked by
Al-Qaida terrorists while in the Yemeni port of Aden, killing seventeen
American sailors. Various clan and tribal loyalties to Bin Laden's family
have led to some support within Yemen for the exiled Al-Qaida leader in
the face of U.S. attacks this fall, even among those who do not
necessarily support his reactionary interpretation of Islam or his
terrorist tactics.

A moderate Islamist Party serves as a junior member of Yemen's coalition
government. Yemen serves as an example of how Islamist movements will tend
toward moderation when allowed to organize openly, in contrast to
countries where repression can lead to violence and radicalization. The
presence of a large number of Al-Qaida members and sympathizers within the
country is a reflection not of government support or complicity, but the
general lawlessness of this impoverished society, where clan and tribe
often carry more authority than the state. Most Al-Qaida activists in
Yemen are believed to be foreigners.

With the U.S. threatening direct military intervention in Yemen to root
out Al-Qaida, the Yemeni government's decision to crack down may be less a
matter of hoping for something from Washington in return for its
cooperation, than a fear of what may happen if it does not. The Yemeni
government is in a difficult bind, however. If it is unsuccessful in
breaking up the terrorist cells, the likely U.S. military intervention
would probably result in armed resistance and a bloody counterinsurgency
campaign by foreign forces. If the government casts too wide a net,
however, it risks tribal rebellion and other civil unrest for what will be
seen as unjustifiable repression at the behest of a Western power and a
threat to the country's shaky experiment with political pluralism. Either
way, it would only increase support for extremist elements, which both the
U.S. and Yemeni governments want to see destroyed.



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