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Sent: Friday, January 11, 2002 12:41
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Subject: [pttp] Jan 18 & Jan 25 -
Lumumba-Kabila Commemoration
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THE ROLE OF THE U.S. AND BELGIUM IN THE ASSASSINATIONS OF
PATRICE LUMUMBA AND LAURENT KABILATO BE EXAMINED IN MEDIA
AND FORUMS
by Elombe Brath
As the commemorative dates near of the assassinations of Patrice Lumumba
by Elombe Brath
As the commemorative dates near of the assassinations of Patrice Lumumba
and Laurent Kabila, the first prime minister
of the Democratic Republic of the
Congo and his eventual successor, activities for memorial programs in their
memories are being planned to focus public attention on the ongoing struggle
for the control of what many well-informed people believe to be the "richest
territory on the planet", the Congo.
For over the last four centuries European explorers and exploiters have been
competing among themselves as to which one of them would hold sway over
Congo and his eventual successor, activities for memorial programs in their
memories are being planned to focus public attention on the ongoing struggle
for the control of what many well-informed people believe to be the "richest
territory on the planet", the Congo.
For over the last four centuries European explorers and exploiters have been
competing among themselves as to which one of them would hold sway over
the vast territory (the third largest country
in Africa) whose mineral wealth
was so immense that 19th century observors claimed that it was a "geological
scandal" for one country to be so abundant with natural resources.
Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, the founding father of Ghana's
was so immense that 19th century observors claimed that it was a "geological
scandal" for one country to be so abundant with natural resources.
Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, the founding father of Ghana's
independence, has made expansive analyses of the wealth extracted
from the Congo by
western nations, leaving the amount of debt owed
to the Congolese
people to be determined, in his tremendous
works
Neo-Colonialism: The
Last Stage of Imperialism and The Challenge
of
the Congo. And Dr. Walter Rodney also cited the Congo as one of the
prime examples to sustantiate the thesis of his classic book How
Europe Underdeveloped Africa. Besides the much
widely aknowledged
rubber, ivory, palm
oil and copper,
resources from the Congo have ranged
and varied from such extreme of importance as the uranium
taken the
Shinkolobe mines that was utilized by the
Manhattan Project to make the
atomic bombs that
were dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki to copal,
used
to make congolene to process kinky hair from its natural African texture and
fashion into a straightened facsimile of Caucasians and Asians proper.
The first plunder stolen from the Congo were its most important natural
resource - its people, who were kidnapped and transported to Europe,
Portugal in particular, while others were sent to be enslaved in their
colonies in the Caribbean and South, Central and North America. This
was foIlowed by the European division of
Africa at the infamous Berlin
Conference of 1884-85, when the Congo was given to King Leopold II of
Belgium as a personal gift for his part in organizing the colonization of
Africa. The U.S., sitting as an observor at the Berlin Conference, gave
Conference of 1884-85, when the Congo was given to King Leopold II of
Belgium as a personal gift for his part in organizing the colonization of
Africa. The U.S., sitting as an observor at the Berlin Conference, gave
the final arrangement the blessings of
President Grover Cleveland and
his administration.
Under the Belgian monarch's brutal 23-year reign, over 10 million Congolese
people were killed while undergoing forced labor to collect rubber and ivory
which enriched Leopold to the sum of more than $10 million (in those
days.)Leopold's atrocities became so outrageous that they were denounced
vehemently, initiating protests by two African-American clergymen, George
Washington Williams and William Sheppard, followed by abolitionist Frederick
Douglass and the famed American author Mark Twain, along with Britain's
brilliant and prolific anti-colonial author Edmund Morel and the Irish
activist Roger Casement. The outrage caused such a clamor that Leopold's
embarrassed European allies forced him to transfer his ownership of
so-called "Congo Free State" to the Belgian state. This act officially
transformed the territory into a colony of the government in Brussels that
was to be known as the Belgian Congo.
From 1908 until 1960 the Congo was subjected to the imperialist desires of
such U.S. capitalists as Thomas Fortune Ryan and his Intercontinental Rubber
Company, and mining interests headed up by such luminary American financier
families as the Guggenheims, Baruchs and Rockefellers, among others. During
these years American and Belgian multinational corporations
The national liberation struggle led by Patrice Lumumba and his Congolese
National Movement (MNC) brought Belgian colonial rule to an unexpected end
when Brussels was forced to accede to the independence demands of the
Congolese people on June 30, 1960. With the second largest Black nation on
the African continent, and one of its most geostrategically located -
centrally, the axiomatic "heart if Africa", bordering nine neighbering
states (six yet to be granted their own independence), Lumumba took
Under the Belgian monarch's brutal 23-year reign, over 10 million Congolese
people were killed while undergoing forced labor to collect rubber and ivory
which enriched Leopold to the sum of more than $10 million (in those
days.)Leopold's atrocities became so outrageous that they were denounced
vehemently, initiating protests by two African-American clergymen, George
Washington Williams and William Sheppard, followed by abolitionist Frederick
Douglass and the famed American author Mark Twain, along with Britain's
brilliant and prolific anti-colonial author Edmund Morel and the Irish
activist Roger Casement. The outrage caused such a clamor that Leopold's
embarrassed European allies forced him to transfer his ownership of
so-called "Congo Free State" to the Belgian state. This act officially
transformed the territory into a colony of the government in Brussels that
was to be known as the Belgian Congo.
From 1908 until 1960 the Congo was subjected to the imperialist desires of
such U.S. capitalists as Thomas Fortune Ryan and his Intercontinental Rubber
Company, and mining interests headed up by such luminary American financier
families as the Guggenheims, Baruchs and Rockefellers, among others. During
these years American and Belgian multinational corporations
The national liberation struggle led by Patrice Lumumba and his Congolese
National Movement (MNC) brought Belgian colonial rule to an unexpected end
when Brussels was forced to accede to the independence demands of the
Congolese people on June 30, 1960. With the second largest Black nation on
the African continent, and one of its most geostrategically located -
centrally, the axiomatic "heart if Africa", bordering nine neighbering
states (six yet to be granted their own independence), Lumumba took
control of the Congo at a time when the
western alliance conspired to
thwart the efforts of his government to be
truly independent.
In a diabolical and Maciavellian strategy France, both tactfully and
tactically, granted their 12 remaining territories into a neo-colonial
(still in dependence of the colonial authorities in Paris) as a move
In a diabolical and Maciavellian strategy France, both tactfully and
tactically, granted their 12 remaining territories into a neo-colonial
(still in dependence of the colonial authorities in Paris) as a move
to checkmate Lumumba's government in the
diplomatic arena at
the United
Nations while Belgium provoked enough civil
unrest in
the Congo in order to justify Brussels sending its military back into
the fledgling state under the usual ruse of having to protect its
nationals from civil
disobedience.
The devious ploy worked. Belgian military forces, backed up by foreign
mercenaries, gave Moise Tshombe and Godefroid Munungo, the two
The devious ploy worked. Belgian military forces, backed up by foreign
mercenaries, gave Moise Tshombe and Godefroid Munungo, the two
leading local reactionaries in Katanga
province - the wealthiest region
(rich in copper and cobalt) of the new
republic - the wherewithal to
ignite a
secessionist movement to secede from Lumumba's central
government; this was soon followed in the
diamond rich Kasai province,
with its governor Albert Kalonji declaring
his region independent and
proclaimed himself king of the new
"state."
President Dwight D. Eisenhower instructed his administration of their need
to get rid of Lumumba, and the CIA went straight to work to carry out the
order by basically undermining the Lumumba's government, causing friction
and division between the prime minister and the Congo's titular president
and head of state Joseph Kasavubu, and many other means to make the
President Dwight D. Eisenhower instructed his administration of their need
to get rid of Lumumba, and the CIA went straight to work to carry out the
order by basically undermining the Lumumba's government, causing friction
and division between the prime minister and the Congo's titular president
and head of state Joseph Kasavubu, and many other means to make the
Congo ungovernable. Through the blunders of
the UN Secretary General
Dag Hammarskjold and his undersecretary Ralph
Bunche, the western
plot against Lumumba eventually succeeded.
Hammarskjold and Bunche
betrayed Lumumba's trust to invite the UN in
to safeguard the territorial
integrity of the Congo by stopping it
systematic disintegration. Instead,
they opted to give Tshombe and his
Belgian sponsors a false image of
respectability by negotiating with them,
treating the traitors as legitimate
parties of equal stature in the future of the
country. The U.S. then tapped
and supported Col. Joseph Desire Mobutu, a
one time aide-de-camp to
Lumumba, as their "strongman" in a coup
d'etat to ostensibly restore
order to the Congo.
When even this treachery could not suppress the popularity of Lumumba with
the Congolese masses, the U.S., Belgium and the rest of the western alliance
convinced Mobutu, Tshombe, Munungo and Kasavubu to agree end the impasse
by assassinating the Congolese prime
minister, along with two of his cadre,
Joseph Okito and Maurice Mpolo, the head of the Congo's senate and the
minister of youth and sports, respectively.
Lumumba's assassination was denounced throughout Africa, Asia, the U.S.
Joseph Okito and Maurice Mpolo, the head of the Congo's senate and the
minister of youth and sports, respectively.
Lumumba's assassination was denounced throughout Africa, Asia, the U.S.
and even Europe. Members of his political
cadres were slaughtered. Survivors
picked up weapons to defend themselves and engage in an armed struggle to
restore a Lumumbist government, getting support from the socialist bloc
countries and nonaligned movement, including military assistance from a
volunteer force from Cuba led by Dr. Ernesto Che Guevara in 1965.
For security reasons, with most activities being conducted in Lingala,
picked up weapons to defend themselves and engage in an armed struggle to
restore a Lumumbist government, getting support from the socialist bloc
countries and nonaligned movement, including military assistance from a
volunteer force from Cuba led by Dr. Ernesto Che Guevara in 1965.
For security reasons, with most activities being conducted in Lingala,
the national lingua franca of the Congo, and
fear of any mishap occurring
to the
legendary Argentine-born Cuban revolutionary while in the Congo,
Che's contingent was placed under the command
of a 25-year old
Lumumbist, Laurent Desire Kabila, 11 years junior to the living legend.
It was an arrangement that didn't sit well
with the world renowned
combat-hardened
internationalist.
But if Kabila's forces did seem too tepid for Che, there were valid reasons
for their caution and restraint. The year before the Lumumbists had taken
control of over half of the Congo and went on to boldly establish a
provisional government at Stanleyville (today's Kisangani), the country's
fourth largest city. The Simbas, as the Lumumbists were then called,
proclaimed the first "Peoples Republic" in Africa - the People's Republic of
Congo. The U.S. and its allies, responding in the heat of the Cold War
mindset, took this as both an affront and a challenge. They let it be known
that as far as they were concerned, just as they expected, the followers of
Lumumba were "bringing communism into the heart of Africa."
Under the charge of President Lyndon B. Johnson, The U.S. launched a
But if Kabila's forces did seem too tepid for Che, there were valid reasons
for their caution and restraint. The year before the Lumumbists had taken
control of over half of the Congo and went on to boldly establish a
provisional government at Stanleyville (today's Kisangani), the country's
fourth largest city. The Simbas, as the Lumumbists were then called,
proclaimed the first "Peoples Republic" in Africa - the People's Republic of
Congo. The U.S. and its allies, responding in the heat of the Cold War
mindset, took this as both an affront and a challenge. They let it be known
that as far as they were concerned, just as they expected, the followers of
Lumumba were "bringing communism into the heart of Africa."
Under the charge of President Lyndon B. Johnson, The U.S. launched a
massive attack against the revolutionary new
government in then-Stanleyville
(now Kisangani). Using aerial bombing raids
flown by anti-Castro Cuban pilots,
the assault followed up with European mercenaries who killed thousands of
innocent African noncombatants, including women, children and the elderly,
indiscrimately. The blitzkrieg operation traumatized the Lumumbists,
dispersing the movement. The rebels were still in a state of shock and in
disarray by the time Guevara reached the Congo, and was still in bad shape
when he left six months after he entered the fray.
Kabila would fight on with his newly formed People's Revolutionary Party
(PRP), engaging Mobutu's military forces sporadically. On one occasion he
personally drew the wrath of the U.S. when he captured a group of
Europeans, including U.S. nationals, in a region under his control and held
them for ransom. The authorities in Washington were not happy when they
found themselves having to pay for the release of their countrymen.
Meanwhile Mobutu changed the country's name from Congo to Zaire, a
Portuguese corruption of the word Nzadi which they could not pronounce.
the assault followed up with European mercenaries who killed thousands of
innocent African noncombatants, including women, children and the elderly,
indiscrimately. The blitzkrieg operation traumatized the Lumumbists,
dispersing the movement. The rebels were still in a state of shock and in
disarray by the time Guevara reached the Congo, and was still in bad shape
when he left six months after he entered the fray.
Kabila would fight on with his newly formed People's Revolutionary Party
(PRP), engaging Mobutu's military forces sporadically. On one occasion he
personally drew the wrath of the U.S. when he captured a group of
Europeans, including U.S. nationals, in a region under his control and held
them for ransom. The authorities in Washington were not happy when they
found themselves having to pay for the release of their countrymen.
Meanwhile Mobutu changed the country's name from Congo to Zaire, a
Portuguese corruption of the word Nzadi which they could not pronounce.
As greedy, ruthless and exploitive as his
Belgian forerunner King Leopold,
his obvious role model, Mobutu amassed a
fortune (much of which was
deposited in numbered Swiss bank accounts
while leaving the average Zairois
citizen to fend for themself.
In a another desperate attempt to escape from being identified with his
treacherous past, Mobutu dropped his first and middle names and replaced
Sese Seko as his middle and last name, which was followed by a vainglorious
title: Kuku Ngbenda wa Kabenza, meaning the, "All Conquering Warrior Who
Leaves His Enemies in His Wake."
Mobutu even went as far to distance himself from his role in the
assassination of Patrice Lumumba that he declared the Congo's first prime
minister - his former mentor whom he delivered to his mortal enemies to be a
"human sacrifice on the alter of monopoly capitalism - as a "national hero."
The international media went along with the game, promoting Mobutu as some
sort of beneficent dictator who was needed to keep the Congo together. His
name reached its zenith of world acclaim when he became the host of the 1974
George Foreman vs. Muhammad Ali Championship Fight, packaged by the premier
boxing promoter Don King as the "Rumble in the Jungle."
But just as in the case of Leopold, Mobutu's avaricious greed and
In a another desperate attempt to escape from being identified with his
treacherous past, Mobutu dropped his first and middle names and replaced
Sese Seko as his middle and last name, which was followed by a vainglorious
title: Kuku Ngbenda wa Kabenza, meaning the, "All Conquering Warrior Who
Leaves His Enemies in His Wake."
Mobutu even went as far to distance himself from his role in the
assassination of Patrice Lumumba that he declared the Congo's first prime
minister - his former mentor whom he delivered to his mortal enemies to be a
"human sacrifice on the alter of monopoly capitalism - as a "national hero."
The international media went along with the game, promoting Mobutu as some
sort of beneficent dictator who was needed to keep the Congo together. His
name reached its zenith of world acclaim when he became the host of the 1974
George Foreman vs. Muhammad Ali Championship Fight, packaged by the premier
boxing promoter Don King as the "Rumble in the Jungle."
But just as in the case of Leopold, Mobutu's avaricious greed and
ostentatious wealth
and conspicuous consumption, acquired by brute
force, rampant
kleptocratic malfeasance throughout his regime,
and his
foreign backers ignoring his abuses, brought Africa's potential richest
country to ruin - counter-productive to even
function properly to benefit his
imperialist masters. Like with the Belgian monarch, Mobutu's western allies
tried to encourage their creation to withdraw willingly. And when it was
found out that Mobutu had terminal prostate cancer Washington and Brussels
had to find a replacement so that when he died it would not also spell doom
for Mobutuism. As the saying goes, Business must go on as usual.
The first choice of the western alliance was the head of the Union for
Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS), the parliamentary opposition, Etienne
Tshisekedi, who had acted as Mobutu's prime minister on a couple occasions.
He was highly touted by Emma Bonin of the European Union, the point person
who put forth the bogus notion that Kabila was going to be "another Mobutu."
This label was then picked up by the media to be used against Kabila at
every convenience available.
His on-again-off-again relationship with Mobutu was confusing to many who
seriously wanted to bring about changes in the Congo but could not come to
grips that only by removing the Zarois dictator by force would they
successfully achieve that. Besides, careful scrutiny showed that Tshisekedi
was not so squeaky clean himself; he had some important skeletons in his
political closet. For when Mobutu initiated the coup that toppled Lumumba's
government, he introduced a "College of Commissioners" to administer the
various civil service sectors of the country. Tshisekedi was appointed to
the commission that dealt with criminal justice, in which he was among those
who responsible for issuing the arrest warrant to incarcerate Lumumba.
Tshisekedi's role in the sordid affair of Lumumba's demise has become a
blemish on an opportunistic career and a major deficit against the U.S.
plans to advance him as their choice to lead the Congo in the future.
Whatever good he might have done as head of the UDPS his reputation was
marred by the controversy of the episode in his life which dealt with his
collusion with Mobutu in the overthrow and murder of the valiant Congolese
leader whose principle position against imperialism cost him and members
imperialist masters. Like with the Belgian monarch, Mobutu's western allies
tried to encourage their creation to withdraw willingly. And when it was
found out that Mobutu had terminal prostate cancer Washington and Brussels
had to find a replacement so that when he died it would not also spell doom
for Mobutuism. As the saying goes, Business must go on as usual.
The first choice of the western alliance was the head of the Union for
Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS), the parliamentary opposition, Etienne
Tshisekedi, who had acted as Mobutu's prime minister on a couple occasions.
He was highly touted by Emma Bonin of the European Union, the point person
who put forth the bogus notion that Kabila was going to be "another Mobutu."
This label was then picked up by the media to be used against Kabila at
every convenience available.
His on-again-off-again relationship with Mobutu was confusing to many who
seriously wanted to bring about changes in the Congo but could not come to
grips that only by removing the Zarois dictator by force would they
successfully achieve that. Besides, careful scrutiny showed that Tshisekedi
was not so squeaky clean himself; he had some important skeletons in his
political closet. For when Mobutu initiated the coup that toppled Lumumba's
government, he introduced a "College of Commissioners" to administer the
various civil service sectors of the country. Tshisekedi was appointed to
the commission that dealt with criminal justice, in which he was among those
who responsible for issuing the arrest warrant to incarcerate Lumumba.
Tshisekedi's role in the sordid affair of Lumumba's demise has become a
blemish on an opportunistic career and a major deficit against the U.S.
plans to advance him as their choice to lead the Congo in the future.
Whatever good he might have done as head of the UDPS his reputation was
marred by the controversy of the episode in his life which dealt with his
collusion with Mobutu in the overthrow and murder of the valiant Congolese
leader whose principle position against imperialism cost him and members
of his cadres their lives.
I made my position known to some of his followers who interviewed me in
Kinshasa in July of 1997. And my position on this issue remains the same.
This past Sunday, Jan. 6, 2002, Gil Noble's award winning "Like It Is"
featured a discussion on the ongoing situation in the Democratic Republic of
Congo with Prof. Yaa-Lengi Ngemi, General Secretary of Lisanga ya Bana ya
Congo/Zaire (the New York-based Coalition for Peace, Justice, and Democracy
in the Congo/Zaire and editor of the Congo-Coalition newsletter, along with
Viola Plummer, chairperson of the December 12th Movement International
Secretariat, and myself, representing the Patrice Lumumba Coalition.
The segment concentrated on the systematic plunder and genocide in the Congo
that has been going on periodically for over a century by western countries
and their comprador cohorts in Africa. Because of the war imposed upon the
DRC, and intolerable social conditions are frustrating the Congolese people
from liberating their country from western economic bondage and both
imploding as a result of civil unrest and exploding into tragic frenzy of
misguided fratricide.
To place all of this salient information in historical context and its
relationship to the events in the Congo today and how all of this is
connected to the struggle of Africans all over the world to finally
liberation themselves from foreign political domination and exploitation,
an African internationalist forum organized by the Patrice Lumumba
Coalition, December 12th Movement International Secretariat, and radio
program "Afrikaleidoscope", WBAI-99.5 FM (Thursdays, 9pm-10pm)
I made my position known to some of his followers who interviewed me in
Kinshasa in July of 1997. And my position on this issue remains the same.
This past Sunday, Jan. 6, 2002, Gil Noble's award winning "Like It Is"
featured a discussion on the ongoing situation in the Democratic Republic of
Congo with Prof. Yaa-Lengi Ngemi, General Secretary of Lisanga ya Bana ya
Congo/Zaire (the New York-based Coalition for Peace, Justice, and Democracy
in the Congo/Zaire and editor of the Congo-Coalition newsletter, along with
Viola Plummer, chairperson of the December 12th Movement International
Secretariat, and myself, representing the Patrice Lumumba Coalition.
The segment concentrated on the systematic plunder and genocide in the Congo
that has been going on periodically for over a century by western countries
and their comprador cohorts in Africa. Because of the war imposed upon the
DRC, and intolerable social conditions are frustrating the Congolese people
from liberating their country from western economic bondage and both
imploding as a result of civil unrest and exploding into tragic frenzy of
misguided fratricide.
To place all of this salient information in historical context and its
relationship to the events in the Congo today and how all of this is
connected to the struggle of Africans all over the world to finally
liberation themselves from foreign political domination and exploitation,
an African internationalist forum organized by the Patrice Lumumba
Coalition, December 12th Movement International Secretariat, and radio
program "Afrikaleidoscope", WBAI-99.5 FM (Thursdays, 9pm-10pm)
has been scheduled to commemorate the
anniversaries of the
assassinations of
Patrice Lumumba and Laurent Kabila.
For Lumumba,
the first prime minister of the Democratic Republic
of the
Congo and its national hero, as well as an African international hero and
martyr for national liberation, January 17, 2002 will mark the 41st
anniversary of his tragic and untimely death. This coming January 16th will
be the 1st anniversary of President Laurent Kabila. Lumumba was killed on
January 17, 1961 and Kabila was shot on January 16th and is said to have
died from his wounds two days later.
Although they were murdered 40 years apart, both were killed by the
machinations of the same western alliance for the same reasons: Lumumba
Congo and its national hero, as well as an African international hero and
martyr for national liberation, January 17, 2002 will mark the 41st
anniversary of his tragic and untimely death. This coming January 16th will
be the 1st anniversary of President Laurent Kabila. Lumumba was killed on
January 17, 1961 and Kabila was shot on January 16th and is said to have
died from his wounds two days later.
Although they were murdered 40 years apart, both were killed by the
machinations of the same western alliance for the same reasons: Lumumba
and Kabila were militantly opposed to
allowing the Congo to be continuously
exploited by imperialist interests while impoverishing the Congolese people.
Wars were forced on both leaders to block plans of development and create
confusion among the masses that would evolve into civil unrest and an social
explosion. Both men were attempting to mobilize a continental Pan-African
movement connected to Africans in the diaspora to collaborate in mutually
beneficial developmental projects that would bring the broad masses of Black
out of their impoverished condition.
As Kabila pointed out, "We have always talked about the future of Africa and
this problem of being a continent of beggars. We look to be a United States
of Africa." This observation and vision will be the underlying theme of a
Lumumba-Kabila commemorative program that will be done in two parts, on
Fridays, January 18th and 25th, at the Oberia Dempsey Center, 127 West 127th
Street, in Harlem, New York. The first program will feature the ambassadors
of Angola, Namibia, Zimbabwe and the Democratic Republic of Congo, their
Excellencies, Ismael Abraao Gasper Martins, Martin Andjaba, Tichaona Jokonya
and Atoke Aleki, respectively. Viola Plummer of the December 12th Movement
International Secretariat, Professors Yaa-Lengi Ngemi and James Allen will
also particiapate in the program, along with this writer.
Further information call 718-398-1766 or 212-663-3805,
or visit website www.afrikaleidoscope.net.
________________________________________________________________
Come hear Elombe Brath of the Patrice Lumumba Coalition along
with Samia Halaby, AL-AWDA, Palestine Right To Return Coalition
and Ismael Guadalupe, Committee for the Rescue & Development
of Vieques, discuss the role of the anti-racist, ant-colonial
struggle at this time of a U.S. imperialist war campaign.
Come to the:
PEOPLES" FORUM
12 noon, Saturday, January 26th.
St. Mary's Episcopal Church
521 West 126th Street
Manhattan, New York City
(Between Broadway & Amsterdam Ave.)
Take the IRT # 1, 9 or IND "A" subway trains to 125th Street
* What does the U.S. government war mood mean for Puerto Rico and
how will it intensify colonial oppression there?
* How are the events of September 11th and the so-called "war on
terrorism" a way to intimidate mass opposition to U.S. foreign
policy?
* How are the events of September 11th being used to deceitfully
condone racism and the brutal nature of the police as well
as destroy civil liberties in the U.S.?
* How can the solidarity of all peoples and building a strong
movement repel the ill-intentions of U.S. warmongerers?
For more information (212)677-0619 or (718)601-4751
exploited by imperialist interests while impoverishing the Congolese people.
Wars were forced on both leaders to block plans of development and create
confusion among the masses that would evolve into civil unrest and an social
explosion. Both men were attempting to mobilize a continental Pan-African
movement connected to Africans in the diaspora to collaborate in mutually
beneficial developmental projects that would bring the broad masses of Black
out of their impoverished condition.
As Kabila pointed out, "We have always talked about the future of Africa and
this problem of being a continent of beggars. We look to be a United States
of Africa." This observation and vision will be the underlying theme of a
Lumumba-Kabila commemorative program that will be done in two parts, on
Fridays, January 18th and 25th, at the Oberia Dempsey Center, 127 West 127th
Street, in Harlem, New York. The first program will feature the ambassadors
of Angola, Namibia, Zimbabwe and the Democratic Republic of Congo, their
Excellencies, Ismael Abraao Gasper Martins, Martin Andjaba, Tichaona Jokonya
and Atoke Aleki, respectively. Viola Plummer of the December 12th Movement
International Secretariat, Professors Yaa-Lengi Ngemi and James Allen will
also particiapate in the program, along with this writer.
Further information call 718-398-1766 or 212-663-3805,
or visit website www.afrikaleidoscope.net.
________________________________________________________________
Come hear Elombe Brath of the Patrice Lumumba Coalition along
with Samia Halaby, AL-AWDA, Palestine Right To Return Coalition
and Ismael Guadalupe, Committee for the Rescue & Development
of Vieques, discuss the role of the anti-racist, ant-colonial
struggle at this time of a U.S. imperialist war campaign.
Come to the:
PEOPLES" FORUM
12 noon, Saturday, January 26th.
St. Mary's Episcopal Church
521 West 126th Street
Manhattan, New York City
(Between Broadway & Amsterdam Ave.)
Take the IRT # 1, 9 or IND "A" subway trains to 125th Street
* What does the U.S. government war mood mean for Puerto Rico and
how will it intensify colonial oppression there?
* How are the events of September 11th and the so-called "war on
terrorism" a way to intimidate mass opposition to U.S. foreign
policy?
* How are the events of September 11th being used to deceitfully
condone racism and the brutal nature of the police as well
as destroy civil liberties in the U.S.?
* How can the solidarity of all peoples and building a strong
movement repel the ill-intentions of U.S. warmongerers?
For more information (212)677-0619 or (718)601-4751
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