HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.ORG.UK ---------------------------
April 17, 2002O.A.S. Reaffirms Support for VenezuelanBy JUAN FORERO
"For the countries represented in the Organization of American States, the constitutional government is the one of President Chávez," Mr. Gaviria said after meeting with the president. He called for healing of the deep rift between opponents of Mr. Chávez and supporters. Mr. Gaviria is here on a fact-finding mission aimed at clarifying the events that led to Mr. Chávez's 48-hour ouster from power last weekend by an opposition movement headed by business executives, labor leaders and dissident military officers. The short-lived ouster was swiftly and strongly condemned by Latin American leaders. Although Mr. Chávez, since he was returned by supporters to power Sunday, has reached out to the opposition with gestures of peace, fear prevailed among some of his political adversaries. This afternoon the Bolivian ambassador, Ricardo Pelchi, announced that 10 Venezuelans were seeking asylum at his embassy. One was a former air force colonel, Pedro Soto, who spoke out against Mr. Chávez in February, a family member of Mr. Soto confirmed. It was unclear if there were other active or former military officers among the other asylum seekers. The ambassador did not provide details about the asylum seekers, or discuss their cases. He would only confirm that they had sought political asylum, claiming that their safety was in danger. A leading police official, Ivan Simonovis, the secretary of public security for Caracas, warned that the government might be embarking on a witch hunt aimed at shifting blame to opponents of Mr. Chávez for deaths during the turmoil last week. At least 14 antigovernment protesters were killed during demonstrations on Thursday, provoking a rebellion by some officers against Mr. Chávez. In the last two days, several government ministers and politicians close to Mr. Chávez have asserted to reporters that officers of the Caracas public security service were responsible for the violence. Their comments appeared aimed directly at Alfredo Peńa, the Caracas mayor and a vocal opponent of the president. Oscar Arape, a councilman in the district of Libertador, a swath of Caracas loyal to the president, charged, "There were shooters from the police who were tied with Ivan Simonovis." In an interview, Mr. Simonovis said such comments were intended to pressure him to step down. The pressure is at odds, he said, with Mr. Chávez's conciliatory words since he returned to power, which the president said were aimed at mending the polarization between his supporters, many of whom come from the poorer classes, and his opponents. The government has contended that it must investigate who took part in what Mr. Chávez has called a conspiracy to oust him. Although members of the interim government that replaced Mr. Chávez briefly were detained, all have been released from custody. Pedro Carmona Estanga, who was declared interim president, was under house arrest as the government embarked on an investigation that could lead to criminal charges. The government is also holding up to 80 soldiers and officers, said Diosdado Cabello, the vice president. Mr. Gaviria did not publicly address those issues today. But it was clear that by meeting with high church officials, representatives of the news media and nongovernmental organizations, Mr. Gaviria was also seeking input from various sectors of Venezuelan society. In his three years in office, Mr. Chávez has alienated many people in those institutions, as well as in the upper and middle classes, with his populist oratory and leftist policies. Some opposition leaders demanded that the president call elections to decide whether he would continue in office. Rafael Marin, the secretary general of the Democratic Action Party, blamed Mr. Chávez for the killings of protesters and said his party does not accept him as a legitimate head of state. Many others expressed deep doubts today that Mr. Chávez was sincere about improving his relations with their movements. "The president says he committed errors and he's going to rectify, but he has to turn those words into actions," said Carlos Fernandez, the head of Fedecámaras, the powerful business group Mr. Carmona used to run. "He has to change. He has to open space for others." However, Mr. Chávez received favorable words from a leading Roman Catholic prelate, Cardinal Ignacio Velazco, who said the president told him he had learned from the attempt to drive him from power. "He promised me that for the good of the country, he was going to rectify many things and lead the nation in a different way so it would be calm and peaceful," Cardinal Velazco said on Venezuelan television. Mr. Gaviria, a former Colombian president, will return to Washington on Wednesday and present his findings on Thursday to a special session of the organization's General Assembly, which is made up of foreign ministers from member countries. A resolution from the hemispheric body said the findings would help ensure "that episodes like what we saw in recent days are not repeated in Venezuela." The United States has supported Mr. Gaviria's mission, part of an attempt to repair its image in the hemisphere, after the Bush administration hastily blamed Mr. Chávez for his own toppling. The American Embassy here today offered staff members and dependents airfare to return home, calling the situation "volatile and unpredictable." The State Department also issued a travel warning to Americans.
April 16, 2002Bush Officials Met With Venezuelans Who Ousted LeaderBy CHRISTOPHER MARQUIS
But administration officials gave conflicting accounts of what the United States told those opponents of Mr. Chávez about acceptable ways of ousting him. One senior official involved in the discussions insisted that the Venezuelans use constitutional means, like a referendum, to effect an overthrow. "They came here to complain," the official said, referring to the anti-Chávez group. "Our message was very clear: there are constitutional processes. We did not even wink at anyone." But a Defense Department official who is involved in the development of policy toward Venezuela said the administration's message was less categorical. "We were not discouraging people," the official said. "We were sending informal, subtle signals that we don't like this guy. We didn't say, `No, don't you dare,' and we weren't advocates saying, `Here's some arms; we'll help you overthrow this guy.' We were not doing that." The disclosures come as rights advocates, Latin American diplomats and others accuse the administration of having turned a blind eye to coup plotting activities, or even encouraged the people who temporarily removed Mr. Chávez. Such actions would place the United States at odds with its fellow members of the Organization of American States, whose charter condemns the overthrow of democratically elected governments. In the immediate aftermath of the ouster, the White House spokesman, Ari Fleischer, suggested that the administration was pleased that Mr. Chávez was gone. "The government suppressed what was a peaceful demonstration of the people," Mr. Fleischer said, which "led very quickly to a combustible situation in which Chávez resigned." That statement contrasted with a clear stand by other nations in the hemisphere, which all condemned the removal of a democratically elected leader. Mr. Chávez has made himself very unpopular with the Bush administration with his pro-Cuban stance and mouthing of revolutionary slogans — and, most recently, by threatening the independence of Venezuela's state-owned oil company, Petróleos de Venezuela, the third-largest foreign supplier of American oil. Whether or not the administration knew about the pending action against Mr. Chávez, critics note that it was slow to condemn the overthrow and that it still refuses to acknowledge that a coup even took place. One result, according to the critics, is that in its zeal to rid itself of Mr. Chávez, the administration has damaged its credibility as a chief defender of democratically elected governments. And even though they deny having encouraged Mr. Chávez's ouster, administration officials did not hide their dismay at his restora tion. Asked whether the administration now recognizes Mr. Chávez as Venezuela's legitimate president, one administration official replied, "He was democratically elected," then added, "Legitimacy is something that is conferred not just by a majority of the voters, however." A senior administration official said today that the anti-Chávez group had not asked for American backing and that none had been offered. Still, one American diplomat said, Mr. Chávez was so distressed by his opponents' lobbying in Washington that he sent officials from his government to plead his case there. Mr. Chávez returned to power on Sunday, after two days. The Bush administration swiftly laid the blame for the episode on him, pointing out that troops loyal to him had fired on unarmed civilians and wounded more than 100 demonstrators. Mr. Fleischer, the White House spokesman, stuck to that approach today, saying Mr. Chávez should heed the message of his opponents and reach out to "all the democratic forces in Venezuela." "The people of Venezuela have sent a clear message to President Chávez that they want both democracy and reform," he said. "The Chávez administration has an opportunity to respond to this message by correcting its course and governing in a fully democratic manner." On Sunday, President Bush's national security adviser, Condoleezza Rice, expressed hopes that Mr. Chávez would deal with his opponents in a less "highhanded fashion." But to some critics, it was the Bush administration that had displayed arrogance in initially bucking the tide of international condemnation of the action against Mr. Chavez, who was democratically elected in 1998. Arturo Valenzuela, the Latin America national security aide in the Clinton administration, accused the Bush administration of running roughshod over more than a decade of treaties and agreements for the collective defense of democracy. Since 1990, the United States has repeatedly invoked those agreements at the Organization of American States to help restore democratic rule in such countries as Haiti, Guatemala and Peru. Mr. Valenzuela, who now heads the Latin American studies department at Georgetown University here, warned that the nations in the region might view the administration's tepid support of Venezuelan democracy as a green light to return to 1960's and 1970's, when power was transferred from coup to coup. "I think it's a very negative development for the principle of constitutional government in Latin America," Mr. Valenzuela said. "I think it's going to come back and haunt all of us." Administration officials insist that they are firmly behind efforts at the Organization of American States to determine what happened in Venezuela and restore democratic rule. The secretary general of the O.A.S., César Gaviria, left today for Caracas, the Venezuelan capital, and the organization is scheduled to meet in Washington on Thursday. Still, critics say, there were several signs that the administration was too quick to rally around the businessman Pedro Carmona Estanga as Mr. Chávez's successor. One Democratic foreign policy aide complained that the administration, in phone calls to Congress on Friday, reported that Mr. Chávez had resigned, even though officials now concede that they had no evidence of that. And on Saturday, the administration supported an O.A.S. resolution condemning "the alteration of constitutional order in Venezuela" only after learning that Mr. Chávez had regained control, Latin American diplomats said. One official said political hard-liners in the administration might have "gone overboard" in proclaiming Mr. Chávez's ouster before the dust settled. The official said there were competing impulses within the administration, signaling a disagreement on the extent of trouble posed by Mr. Chávez, who has thumbed his nose at American officials by maintaining ties with Cuba, Libya and Iraq.
April 16,
2002 In Speech to Venezuelans, Chávez Changes ToneBy JUAN FORERO
In a speech he delivered before reporters at the presidential palace, the scene of his triumphant return, Mr. Chávez acknowledged that popular discontent had generated the huge protest that forced him from office for 48 hours. He said he was "anguished" by the violence in which at least 14 anti-government demonstrators were killed. He said that he bore no grudges, and that he was willing to listen to the grievances of an opposition that draws its support from Venezuela's small but influential upper and middle classes. "We do not hate, that is a lie," the president said in a speech that lasted two hours and 20 minutes. "There is no hate in my heart for the upper classes of Venezuela. We are not in a time of hate. We are in a time of love." The tone of the speech, and the news conference that followed it, was a startling break with the past. Before he was toppled briefly by a surging opposition movement led by business and labor leaders and dissident military officers, Mr. Chávez had rarely offered a kind word for the Venezuelan elite, whom he called "subversives" who should move to Miami. But questions abounded here about whether Mr. Chávez, a former paratrooper elected in 1998 on a pledge to reshape Venezuela to benefit the poor, had really changed his political outlook. Mr. Chávez's aggressive moves to intervene in the management of the state-owned oil industry, take control of unions and impose tight control on the National Assembly had polarized the society. Mr. Chávez has sought to signal that he is prepared for some change. Today he announced that he would organize "round-table" discussions between government officials and opposition leaders, beginning next week, to attempt to resolve disputes. Mr. Chávez also said he and leaders of the Catholic Church "are capable of accepting our differences so that we can have dialogue and cooperation." In the past, he referred to clergy as "devils in vestments." Referring to the United States, which did not conceal its satisfaction with his ouster, the president appeared to give Washington the benefit of the doubt. "I think they were victims of misinformation," he said. At the same time, Mr. Chávez made it clear that he continued to be in charge and that he was not prepared to alter the course of his populist revolution. The government will move forward with policies that have riled Mr. Chávez's opposition, like a controversial land reform, officials said. However, seeking to quell concerns about possible repression, José Vicente Rangel, the defense minister and a close ally of the president, said the cabinet members selected on Friday for the short-lived interim government had been released from custody. Pedro Carmona Estanga, the businessman who was sworn in as interim president that day, was released from state security headquarters and sent home under house arrest. Looking tired, he told reporters he had been treated well. "I reiterate my most sincere wish for peace in the country," he said. "Let us hope that all the events that happened lead to the reconciliation and reunification of Venezuelans." Mr. Rangel, the defense minister, echoed Mr. Chávez at the Miraflores presidential palace, saying, "The entire government is ready to make changes." On Sunday, just hours after military commanders and crowds of protesters loyal to him had reclaimed the presidential palace, Mr. Chávez announced that the board of directors he had appointed to the state-owned oil firm, Petróleos de Venezuela, had resigned. The appointment angered executives at the traditionally autonomous company, a pillar of Venezuela's economy, whose protests evolved into a general strike, which led to Mr. Chávez's short-lived removal. Mr. Chávez acknowledged today that some of his supporters were armed during street disturbances on Thursday and he suggested that they could be responsible for some of the violence that led to opposition protesters' deaths that day. The killings sparked a rebellion by some military commanders. After retaking the government, Mr. Chávez's ministers angrily denied those initial accusations, saying that most of those who died were the president's supporters and even government workers. But today Mr. Chávez made a startling admission. "I don't deny it — it would be false to say that there was no gunfire from our side to theirs," Mr. Chávez said. "In fact, there is evidence that some of our supporters were armed — but not only our people." Still, in Venezuela and abroad, where Venezuela's political situation moves the oil markets, there was skepticism about Mr. Chávez's ability or desire to be conciliatory. On Sunday, in a speech at a military base, he referred to the protest leaders as oligarchs, a term he often uses to deride opponents. The price of oil, which had fallen upon news of Mr. Chávez's ouster on Friday, rose today as concerns were raised about the future of Petróleos de Venezuela. Analysts said that Mr. Chávez remained on unsteady ground. Mr. Chávez has the support of only about 34 percent of Venezuelans, according to a poll in March. Perhaps most troubling for his government are doubts about the military's loyalty. At least 20 generals and admirals are jailed now and facing charges for their role in the uprising, with dozens of lower-ranking officers also in custody. The depth of the allegiance of those officers who remained with Mr. Chávez is unclear. At Petróleos de Venezuela, which was trying to get back to normal after severe disruptions in the production and export of oil, the same office workers who had led protests against Mr. Chávez remained skittish. One top executive, Eddie Ramirez, whose firing along with a handful of other executives on Sunday energized protesters, wondered about his future and that of the company. "If they don't reinstate the ones who were retired, the corporation could come tumbling down," said Mr. Ramirez, explaining that the loss of experienced managers was damaging to the company.
April 16, 2002Questions Linger in Calm but Scarred CaracasBy GINGER THOMPSON
Calm had returned to the slums around the edge of the capital, scenes of the most intense demonstrations in recent days. But the streets still swarmed with soldiers. The sight of the ruins that were once open-air street markets, burned stores and overturned cars stirred anxieties, reminding people that instability still loomed close. In the minds of many, questions lingered about those who died in the emotional political protests that in a matter of 48 hours removed the president and then lifted him back to power. Government authorities and human rights investigators differ on the numbers of deaths, with figures ranging from 15 to 40. Mayor Alfredo Peńa reported that at least 40 people had been killed since the violence began last Thursday. He said and about 12 people had been shot to death during protests on Thursday, including a photographer for a Venezuelan newspaper. It appeared that most of the others were killed in violent skirmishes on Saturday, he said. A report by two local human rights groups, Committee of Families of the Victims of February 17 (a reference to one of the country's most violent episodes) and the Archdiocese of Caracas' Human Rights Vicar, said 23 people were killed Saturday, and accused security forces of being behind most of the killings. Witnesses have said that the police opened fire on demonstrators supporting President Hugo Chávez in several poor neighborhoods of Caracas on Saturday. Demands to know who is responsible for the killings intensified today among human rights advocates, who called for the appointment of a truth commission. Some political analysts said those demands could pose an important test for Mr. Chávez's commitments to uphold democracy and the rule of law. "We are worried because in many cases, we are looking at people who were killed for political reasons," said Liliana Ortega of Committee of Families, the human rights group. "And the conditions within the government do not make it possible for them to guarantee justice." The violence began at marches on Thursday, when the estimated dozen people were shot to death during a demonstration near the presidential compound at Miraflores. Ms. Ortega said she has collected information from hospitals about approximately 17 victims. She said most died from gunshot wounds to the head and were probably killed by the short-barrel guns that are common here. The violence capped a week of peaceful marches and work stoppages by Mr. Chávez's political opponents, who demanded his resignation. After television stations broadcast footage of some of the gunfire, many accused Mr. Chávez of instigating the violence. Military officers abandoned the president. He was taken into custody, and an interim government, led by a businessman, Pedro Carmona Estanga, took control. On Saturday, new unrest erupted on the streets as furious mobs of Chávez supporters marched violently through the capital, looting stores in poor areas. The death toll mounted. Teodoro Petkoff, editor of the Caracas newspaper Tal Cual, which is critical of Mr. Chávez, said: "Right now you have one half of the country that doesn't believe in a thing that the other half says. So any process of national reconciliation has to include an independent investigation."
April 16,
2002 Oil Prices Increase 4.7% as President Regains Power in VenezuelaBy BLOOMBERG NEWS
Under Mr. Chávez, Venezuela has been a leading advocate within OPEC of compliance on oil-output restrictions, which are aimed at propping up prices. Before his presidency, the country was the biggest quota violator. Prices fell 6 percent on Friday, after the coup, on speculation that the country would increase exports. "The return of Chávez means that Venezuela is back in the OPEC fold," said Phil Flynn, a trader and analyst at Alaron Trading in Chicago. "If Chávez hadn't returned to power, OPEC would have been threatened because of increased cheating." Crude oil for May delivery rose $1.10, or 4.7 percent, to $24.57 a barrel on the New York Mercantile Exchange, the biggest increase since Feb. 11. Prices are up 24 percent this year, partly on signs of stronger demand from a recovering United States economy. Venezuela overshot its quota set by the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries by 2 percent last month, down from a peak of 44 percent in December 1997. Prices fell close to $10 a barrel in December 1998, two months before Mr. Chávez took office. During Mr. Chávez's two-day absence from power, Edgar Paredes, head of refining, supply and marketing for the state oil company Petróleos de Venezuela S.A., called for higher output to take advantage of large reserves and to increase market share. The president took steps to repair his relationship with employees at the company by accepting the resignation of political appointees. Mr. Chávez had appointed some directors to the company's board to give his administration greater access to revenue. The appointments spurred a strike by oil workers and violent protests that led to his brief ouster.
--------------------------- ANTI-NATO INFORMATION LIST ==^================================================================ This email was sent to: archive@jab.org EASY UNSUBSCRIBE click here: http://topica.com/u/?a84x2u.a9617B Or send an email to: [EMAIL PROTECTED] T O P I C A -- Register now to manage your mail! http://www.topica.com/partner/tag02/register ==^================================================================ |
printlogo.gif
Description: GIF image
w.gif
Description: GIF image
c.gif
Description: GIF image
c.gif
Description: GIF image
