HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.ORG.UK
---------------------------

http://www.spiked-online.com/Articles/00000006DA57.htm

Spiked

19 September 2002

Law in disorder
by David Chandler


At the United Nations summit in New York on 12
September 2002, secretary-general Kofi Annan said:
'When states decide to use force to deal with broader
threats to international peace and security, there is
no substitute for the unique legitimacy provided by
the UN.'
Many international commentators have welcomed the
closer involvement of the UN Security Council in the
Iraq crisis and Baghdad's acceptance of UN weapon
inspectors. Critics of America's policy on Iraq see
the UN's involvement as a positive step away from war.
They argue that UN engagement creates a 'breathing
space' for a negotiated solution, and that the UN's
influence will ensure that US unilateralism is
constrained by international law, as only the UN
Security Council can sanction military aggression.
But both these claims are wrong: UN involvement
neither makes war less likely nor does it make an
attack on Iraq any more 'legitimate'.
Far from providing a breathing space, the preparations
for any regime of weapons inspections guarantee months
of high-profile wrangling over alleged Iraqi
obstruction, while the USA continues to assemble its
military forces.
According to military analysts, even without a
breathing space an extensive assault on Iraq would not
be feasible until later in the year - and possibly not
until spring 2003. It seems unlikely that the Iraqi
government will be able to buy breathing space beyond
this point, whatever steps it takes. After all, the
White House has already declared that the acceptance
of weapons inspectors is not the issue and that
Baghdad's offer is 'too little too late'.
More importantly, UN engagement encourages war because
it is seen to give military action international
legitimacy. Opinion polls in the USA and Britain seem
to suggest that public support for military action is
increasing, with many arguing that the prospect of UN
support will build further public backing for a
military campaign. The UN's involvement makes it
easier for governments to commit to military action,
encouraging the likelihood that there will be war
rather than a negotiated solution. It also enables the
USA to put more pressure on governments that are
currently reluctant to support US action. 
Although the UN was established in 1945 to 'prevent
the scourge of war', its role today seems to be to
legitimise war - reflecting how the relationship
between the UN and military conflict has been
transformed since the end of the Cold War.
The fragile framework of international law,
institutionalised in the UN Charter, was based on the
formal sovereign equality of member states, and was
supposed to serve as a barrier to external
intervention and military aggression. Great Power
intervention had little international legitimacy in
the post-colonial era - where, at least in the field
of international law, if not in practice, many argued
that states should have equal legal and political
rights regardless of economic wealth, military power
or constitutional make-up. Of course wars still took
place, but most often without the formal sanction of
the UN Security Council. 
Recent external aggression against state sovereignty
has also taken place without the support of the UN.
The US-led aggression against Yugoslavia over Kosovo
in 1999 was not supported by an international
consensus and did not have the prior endorsement of
the Security Council. The Afghan war in 2001 also
bypassed the restrictions of the Security Council. If,
as seems likely, the UN endorses a war on Iraq, it
will not be a victory for international law over US
unilateralism, but an open recognition that the basis
of international law no longer exists.
International law that failed to recognise equality of
rights for states could no longer be regarded as
'law'. Rather than being analogous to the system of
modern domestic law, international law would resemble
a pre-modern or feudal system of private law,
institutionalising privileges for a powerful few while
denying rights to the many.
With the end of bi-polarity the USA is much more
capable of perverting the supposed legitimacy of the
UN for its own purposes. During the Cold War period
the USA widely used its veto powers to prevent UN
censure; today the balance of power has shifted even
further towards America. This is reflected in the
Security Council itself. Why would a war that was
widely seen to be illegitimate outside the USA and
Britain be more legitimate if America bought or
coerced the support of Russia and other,
non-permanent, Security Council members?
The USA's power and influence may secure it votes in
the Security Council - but this is a far cry from
building an international consensus that could bestow
the UN's 'unique legitimacy' on military action. The
lack of an international consensus was highlighted in
President Bush's speech to the UN session in New York
when he declared that this was the UN's 'defining
moment', and that failure to act in accordance with US
wishes would make the UN 'irrelevant'.
According to the Washington hawks, the UN risks
becoming irrelevant precisely because it reflects the
lack of international political will in favour of US
policy. This lack of consensus has led the USA to
declare its right to act unilaterally.
If the UN gives legitimacy to a US war against Iraq
this will not strengthen international law against US
unilateralism. Rather than modern law, this would be
the law of 'might makes right', with military and
political power increasingly indistinguishable in the
international sphere.
Bush is right to say that Iraq could be the UN's
defining moment - as he is holding a gun not just to
Iraq's head, but also to the 'unique legitimacy' of
the UN and the system of international law. 


David Chandler lectures in International Relations at
Brunel University. His books include From Kosovo to
Kabul: Human Rights and International Intervention,
published by Pluto Press (buy this book from Amazon
(UK) or Amazon (USA)) and Rethinking Human Rights:
Critical Approaches to International Politics
(Palgrave, forthcoming November 2002). Email
[EMAIL PROTECTED]


__________________________________________________
Do You Yahoo!?
Yahoo! Finance - Get real-time stock quotes
http://finance.yahoo.com

---------------------------
ANTI-NATO INFORMATION LIST

==^================================================================
This email was sent to: archive@jab.org

EASY UNSUBSCRIBE click here: http://topica.com/u/?a84x2u.bacIlu
Or send an email to: [EMAIL PROTECTED]

T O P I C A -- Register now to manage your mail!
http://www.topica.com/partner/tag02/register
==^================================================================

Reply via email to