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http://www.dailystar.com.lb/23_09_02/art17.asp

The Daily Star (Lebanon)
September 23, 2002

[A pro-Washington perspective, but an indication of
how advanced the West's new Great Game in the
'Eurasian Balkans' [Zbigniew Brzezinski]
has advanced.]



Crisis in the Caspian: US-backed pipeline could
intensify Russian threats to Georgia
Washington unlikely to give Moscow freer hand, even in
return for support against Baghdad 
Ed Blanche
Special to The Daily Star 


-If Moscow makes good on those threats, the rapport it
has built with the United States, the pipeline’s
staunchest advocate, since Sept. 11, 2001, will be
jeopardized. 
-[G]iven the differences between Washington and Moscow
over the Bush administration’s plans for “regime
change” in Baghdad, Russia’s construction of a nuclear
reactor in Iran and its involvement in Tehran’s
ballistic missile program, what happens in Georgia
could prove to be fateful indeed for the future of the
US-Russian rapprochement and Western efforts to find
alternative sources of energy to lessen dependence on
the Middle East.
-Russian military commanders, angered at Putin’s
post-Sept. 11 agreement to allow US forces into the
former Soviet republics in Central Asia and the
Caucasus as part of George W. Bush’s war against
Al-Qaeda and the Taleban, are urging deeper and
heavier attacks into Georgian territory, citing Bush’s
policy of pre-emptive strikes against terrorist
groups. The Russians are also concerned as US forces
deployed in five Central Asian states following Sept.
11 are showing signs of digging in for a long stay,
partly as they will be needed to help stabilize
Afghanistan and to contribute to “nation-building” in
those former Soviet republics ­ Kazakhstan,
Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan.
Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan also happen to sit atop
vast quantities of oil and natural gas.
General Tommy Franks, head of the US Central Command
responsible for Afghanistan, said last month that US
forces would remain in Afghanistan “for a long, long
time.” None of this will help ease the confrontation
looming in the Caucasus.
-US leaders see Shevardnadze’s fate as vital in the
strategic, oil-rich region because Georgia has been
the most Western-oriented former Soviet republic other
than the Baltic states of Latvia, Lithuania and
Estonia.
-For Western oil giants like BP (the key operator in
Azerbaijan) and ChevronTexaco and ExxonMobil (majority
stakeholders in Kazakhstan’s Tengiz field) the Caspian
is one of the few regions in the world where foreign
companies can own a piece of the action.




British Petroleum’s mid-September laying of the first
section of a $2.9 billion pipeline to carry Caspian
Sea oil through Georgia to Turkey’s Mediterranean
coast, a project that will diminish Moscow’s influence
in the energy-rich region, coincided with mounting
Russian threats to take military action against an
alleged Chechen rebel stronghold in Georgia.
If Moscow makes good on those threats, the rapport it
has built with the United States, the pipeline’s
staunchest advocate, since Sept. 11, 2001, will be
jeopardized. Sept. 11 marked a sea change in Moscow’s
relations with the West, but at a price ­ the US and
Europe muted criticism of alleged Russian atrocities
in its floundering, costly “anti-terrorist” war
against Islamist Chechen separatists, soon to enter
its fourth year.
That Western silence may now end. And given the
differences between Washington and Moscow over the
Bush administration’s plans for “regime change” in
Baghdad, Russia’s construction of a nuclear reactor in
Iran and its involvement in Tehran’s ballistic missile
program, what happens in Georgia could prove to be
fateful indeed for the future of the US-Russian
rapprochement and Western efforts to find alternative
sources of energy to lessen dependence on the Middle
East.
Russian President Vladimir Putin declared in a blunt
warning to the embattled administration of Georgian
President Eduard Shevardnadze on the anniversary of
the suicide attacks on the US that if Tbilisi did not
move against the Chechen rebels and “international
terrorists” holed up in the Pankisi Gorge on the
80-kilometer border with Chechnya, Russia reserved the
right to send its forces in to destroy the rebel
stronghold.
The Duma, lower house of Russia’s Parliament, backed
Putin and said Moscow should cut off economic aid and
electricity supplies to energy-starved Georgia for
failing to destroy the Chechens in the gorge.
On Sept. 12, Putin said in a letter to UN
Secretary-General Kofi Annan that UN Security Council
Resolution 1368, approved following the suicide
attacks on the US, gave Moscow the right to attack
Chechen rebel bases in Georgia in self-defense.
“If the Georgian authorities do not undertake concrete
actions aimed at destroying terrorists, and if
militants continue their raids into Russia from
Georgia, Russia “will undertake appropriate measures
to counter this terrorist threat,” he wrote, implying
that if America could attack Iraq, Russia could take
action in Georgia.
There was widespread speculation Moscow was seeking a
quid pro quo from Washington ­ withdrawing Russian
opposition to a US strike against Saddam Hussein in
return for the Americans looking the other way over
Georgia. US Under-Secretary of State John Bolton
declared in Moscow earlier this month that no such
deal was possible.
The Bush administration has warned Moscow not to take
unilateral action, with State Department spokesman
Philip Reeker declaring on Sept. 13: “We take strong
exception to statements by President Putin threatening
action against Chechen targets on Georgian territory.”
Whether the Russian threat was diplomatic posturing
remains unclear. But Russian military commanders,
angered at Putin’s post-Sept. 11 agreement to allow US
forces into the former Soviet republics in Central
Asia and the Caucasus as part of George W. Bush’s war
against Al-Qaeda and the Taleban, are urging deeper
and heavier attacks into Georgian territory, citing
Bush’s policy of pre-emptive strikes against terrorist
groups. The Russians are also concerned as US forces
deployed in five Central Asian states following Sept.
11 are showing signs of digging in for a long stay,
partly as they will be needed to help stabilize
Afghanistan and to contribute to “nation-building” in
those former Soviet republics ­ Kazakhstan,
Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan.
Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan also happen to sit atop
vast quantities of oil and natural gas.
General Tommy Franks, head of the US Central Command
responsible for Afghanistan, said last month that US
forces would remain in Afghanistan “for a long, long
time.” None of this will help ease the confrontation
looming in the Caucasus.
Georgia’s intelligence chief, Avtandil Ioseliani,
alleged last week that Russia was planning to
infiltrate a special unit of pro-Moscow Chechens
across the border into the Pankisi Gorge to provoke
bloodshed that Moscow could use to justify a major
operation in Georgia. Russian officials denied that
but conceded that Moscow would like a “security zone”
up to 40 kilometers deep into Georgia territory ­
shades of Israel’s so-called “security zone” in South
Lebanon until May 2000. Georgia’s deputy minister for
state security, Lasha Natsvlishvili, flatly rejected
such a proposal, saying it was tantamount to Russia
demanding it control a large swathe of Georgian
territory almost to Tbilisi itself.
As the crisis has deepened, Moscow has mounted air
strikes against the Chechen bases in Georgia several
times in recent months. In August, European observers
confirmed Georgian reports that Russian combat jets
and helicopters had crossed into Georgian territory at
least twice to bomb the gorge. An overt, unilateral
Russian attack would threaten to reignite unrest in a
region where security is tentative at best and where
ethnic rivalries are deep and strong.
Most Georgians resent the presence of Russian soldiers
manning two bases in Georgia ­ a holdover from the
Soviet era ­ and the presence of Russian peacekeepers
in Abkhazia and South Ossetia, two regions bordering
Russia that have been de facto independent states
since separatists fought Georgia’s military to a
standstill in the 1990s.
Tensions in the Caspian and its environs have been
building for some time. Russia, Azerbaijan and
Kazakhstan, three of the Caspian littoral states,
staged large-scale naval maneuvers in August in what
was intended to reassert Russian influence in the
region at a time when Moscow is in dispute with Iran
over how the Caspian’s riches can be divided. The
exercises were the biggest Russian maneuvers in the
region since the Soviet collapse more than a decade
ago, involving 10,000 personnel, 60 warships and 30
combat aircraft.
Russian Defense Minister Sergei Ivanov announced
during the exercises that Russia and some of its
Caspian neighbors ­ such as Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan,
which have signed agreements with Moscow on sharing
resources in the land-locked region ­ may form a new
military defense force in the region. He said that due
to regional “threats,” the situation “dictates a need
for cooperation among our neighbors in the Caspian.”
Construction on the 1,750-kilometer pipeline from
Azerbaijan’s Baku oil fields through Georgia to Ceyhan
on Turkey’s Mediterranean coast, one of the longest
pipelines ever built, sharpens the focus of turmoil in
the Caucasus on Georgia. It is certain to intensify
Moscow’s animosity toward Shevardnadze’s government,
which is struggling to maintain order in the former
Soviet republic, beset by worsening economic decline
and political feuding.
The prospect of a major Russian military incursion
remains uncertain, despite Moscow’s saber-rattling,
and there has been speculation that Putin’s tough talk
was intended to appease military commanders
increasingly frustrated at their forces’ inability to
crush the Chechen separatists. But Russian accusations
that Georgia is harboring Chechen rebels are becoming
increasingly shrill.
Under pressure, Shevardnadze ordered an intensified
operation by his ill-equipped military against the
Chechen rebels, but that has cut little ice with
Moscow, which has long sought to get rid of
Shevardnadze, particularly since he has cultivated
close ties with the US.
Washington views Georgia as a key ally in the unstable
Caucasus and will not permit any Russian action that
would further destabilize the country. US leaders see
Shevardnadze’s fate as vital in the strategic,
oil-rich region because Georgia has been the most
Western-oriented former Soviet republic other than the
Baltic states of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia.
Although US-Russian relations have warmed considerably
since Sept. 11 and Moscow had seemed to be easing its
opposition to the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC) pipeline,
Washington remains fearful that Moscow seeks to
sabotage the project to reassert regional control.
For Western oil giants like BP (the key operator in
Azerbaijan) and ChevronTexaco and ExxonMobil (majority
stakeholders in Kazakhstan’s Tengiz field) the Caspian
is one of the few regions in the world where foreign
companies can own a piece of the action.
In the Middle East, oil industries are state-owned and
in Siberia, where mineral riches remain largely
untapped, Russian companies hold all the cards. So
turmoil in the Caspian and Caucasus would probably
give Big Oil pause for thought, if not pulling out
altogether, leaving Russia to dominate once more while
billions of investment dollars are redirected to
regions such as West Africa and South America.
The stakes are mounting daily for everyone. Russian
action in Georgia now could undercut Bush’s crusade
against terrorism as he seeks to secure international
support for going after Saddam, and enflame the crisis
in Asia as well as the Middle East. 


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