Jinnah's agenda included Assam

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The latest brutal killings of Hindi-speaking labourers in Dibrugarh and
Tinsukia districts of Assam has evoked the usual episodic response from the
Indian establishment. Our political parties have made statements on
predictable lines. The Centre, too, has followed the usual drill; it has
rushed Ministers to the affected State for "on the spot assessments".

So, when the Centre announced that security measures had been beefed up,
more forces were being sent and a high-level meeting had been held to review
the security situation in the districts, there was a general wave of
disbelief among the people of the State and the rest of the country. We have
heard all this before. Every time there is an ULFA attack, the same story is
repeated and the same text is read out by the Union Home Secretary, with
only the locations changed.

The current spate of atrocities against people symbolic of a "cow belt
dominating the Indian Union" is not an isolated act of violence by the
trigger-happy deranged group, as the Indian establishment sees and deals
with it. In fact, the roots of the malice in Assam are much deeper and go
back to the pre-partition ambitions of Mohammed Ali Jinnah who wanted all
six provinces - Punjab, Sind, the NWFP, Balochistan, Bengal and Assam - to
be included in his dream Islamic state of Pakistan. Barring Assam, Jinnah
managed to get full or in part the rest of the five. Today ISI, through
ULFA, is working towards completing Jinnah's unfinished agenda of partition.

Assam's geographical position in the Indian Union has always been
precarious. Out of its 5,800-km long border, it shares 34 km with other
parts of India through "chicken's neck"; the rest it shares with Bangladesh
and Bhutan. Infiltration from Bangladesh continues unabated and
'secularists' have made special laws to facilitate it. First, the IMDT Act
was brought in. After the Supreme Court nullified it as ultra vires, the UPA
Government brought about amendments to prevent anybody bringing charge
against the illegal immigrants. This measure, too, has been struck down by
the court.

Meanwhile, the damage has been done. The demographic character of the State
is changing fast. The percentage of Muslims in the State, which stood at
24.68 per cent according to the 1951 Census, was recorded at 30.92 per cent
in 2001. In the Bongaigaon district, their population rose by 31.84 per cent
between 1991 and 2001. In the same period, Muslim population rose by
29.58per cent at Dhubri and by
19.15 per cent at Kokrajhar. In Karimganj and Hailakandi, the growth was 58
per cent and 52 per cent respectively.

Today Pakistan's ISI-controlled ULFA does not consider Bangladeshi
infiltrators, but only those coming from the rest of India, as outsiders. In
its December 17 issue of *Swadhinata*, the banned outfit said it was
"determined to uproot those illegal migrants who threatened Asom's
existence, created chaotic situation in its social formation and occupied
the political and economic sphere by making the indigenous people homeless".
In 2003, ULFA made its agenda public when it killed 61 labourers from Bihar
after a prior warning.

The ISI, through ULFA, is seeking to create a volatile situation along the
Assam border with West Bengal by targeting non-Assamese Indian migrants into
the North-Eastern State. It could then take advantage of the situation to
infiltrate the State with its arms and ammunition. The Bangladesh Government
is giving full support to ULFA in a bid to create problems for India in the
sensitive North-East.

Earlier, the BJP-led NDA Government had persuaded Bhutan to evict all ULFA
camps along its border. But even as the Atal Bihari Vajpayee Government was
getting tough with Dhaka, there was a change of regime at the Centre and the
momentum was lost. Bangladesh is increasingly becoming a paw of ISI, with
the extremist parties in that country backing this tie up.

The ISI strategy is obvious - encourage Muslim infiltration from Bangladesh
and force Hindus to flee from Assam, thus attaining a critical mass of
Muslim population in the State. This tactics has worked successfully in
Jammu & Kashmir where select killings of Pandits resulted in the mass exodus
of the community from the Valley.

All this is a prelude to sever Assam from the rest of India and avenge the
break-up of Pakistan and creation of Bangladesh. In contrast, the Indian
response to this challenge is inept. For the 'secular' establishment, the
entire issue boils down to Muslim votes, even if they are from foreigners.
It is of little consequence to them that in the process, the integrity of
the country gets compromised.

It is against this background that one has to see how the Congress
Governments at the Centre and the State have been running in circles with
ULFA in the tow. Only a few months back, the two Governments began a series
of meetings - this time with a few self-appointed middlemen - on resuming
the peace talk with ULFA. The security forces were told to hold their fire.
This completely upset the plan of our forces that were planning to flush out
the ULFA cadre.

A year ago, as the election to the Assam Assembly loomed large, the security
forces were told not to pursue the 'encirclement' of ULFA leaders. How
damaging such orders are to the morale of the forces that are battling the
guerrilla militants in the most hostile jungles of Assam is anybody's guess.
The repeated bursts of "peace talks" have only been eroding the morale of
the security forces. How could the security forces be expected to work
efficiently when every time the anti-insurgency movement picks up, the
Government presses for slowing it down?

There is this widespread belief in Assam that in the last Assembly election,
the Congress had a deal with ULFA. After the secessionists were licking
their wounds caused by the previous NDA regime that succeeded in persuading
the Government of Bhutan to take action against ULFA in that country, the
UPA Government once again left the people of the North-East at the mercy of
these insurgents.

In such a situation, sending some high-level or low-level teams and some
more forces to Assam will not help. What is needed is a clear policy of
non-appeasement of both ULFA and illegal Bangladeshi immigrants, and thus
giving a clear message to the people of Assam that New Delhi cares for the
regional sentiments.
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