Xonzoi gives a balanced view of what has been going on, unlike the knee-jerk reactions of the desi-media and Assam 'intellectuals' with short memories and even shallower perceptions.
cm Assam is Many Problems, But is Anyone Listening? The many non-migrant ethnic conflicts have been forgotten. http://www.fromallangles.com/newspapers/country/india/tehelka.com.htm Sanjay Barbora The recent deaths of more than 60 Hindi-speaking migrants are the latest in the saga of ethnic conflicts that have ravaged Assam. While the victims' identities have been written about, the media and security agencies have only alluded to the identities of the perpetrators. In every instance, the authorities have been quick to blame armed opposition groups, send in more forces and never offer any concrete evidence about what happens thereafter. As a result, there is very little evidence about the genesis and trajectories of the conflicts and the manner in which its victims have had recourse to justice and reconciliation. One would think that given the persistence of such events, the Central and Assam governments would have worked out a mechanism to address the root of such conflicts. Now, it would seem as though both governments have chosen to deploy more troops instead of opting for measures conducive to ethnic reconciliation and peace. The Centre's decision to intensify operations against groups like the United Liberation Front of Asom (ulfa) is bewildering. The recent attacks occurred when peace talks with the ulfa had reached an impasse. While talks were possible in 2005-06, the Indian Army continued its operations against the ulfa, leading the group to carry out its campaigns. Reports citing security sources alleged that the ulfa was continuing its non-military activities like recruitment and taxation. Such comments have played an important part in the uncritical demand for more military intervention and has given the Indian Army a peg to continue with a dangerous status quo that includes retaining draconian laws like the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. When more than 30,000 victims of ethnic violence still live in relief camps, one wonders how introducing more troops in rural areas will help ameliorate their lives. The political community in India (including the Army) claims these measures are aimed at exacting revenge for the killings of migrant workers. Considering the fact that the killings of Dimasa and Karbi people (and Hmar, Santhal, Assamese and Bodo before them) went on for months before the authorities reacted, the prompt decision to "crush ulfa" adds to the belief that some lives are more important. The reaction to the migrants' killing has added to the doubt that differences in language and culture are responsible for the lack of interest in the loss of non-migrants' lives. How else can one explain the current clamour for retribution when victims of ethnic conflict have been demanding justice for the past decade? Public discourse in Assam is caught between two poles: on one end is the rhetoric of ethnic plurality and on the other, paranoia about others. Local organisations often speak of a loss of culture because of unchecked migration. It is a fact that Assam's population has increased according to the 2001 Census. However, this is nothing new and ever since a certain Mr. Mullan recorded his apocalyptic vision of the invasion of Assam by "land hungry Mymensighias" in 1931, generations of commentators have used the same line. Such simplistic re-hashing of an old note is evident in the outpouring of concern about Bangladeshis rushing in to fill the place of the Hindi-speaking migrants. Further, the governments have not been able to address the land alienation of smaller groups as land remains the favoured gift to those who embrace the Constitution. Be it in Karbi Anglong, or in Tinsukia, communities pushed out by ill-served laws are being forced to compete against one another. Under these conditions, the wisdom of sending more troops seems flawed. The military disposition and lack of will to evolve an alternate vocabulary of justice and reconciliation has led to the rise of ethnic militias, accountable only to their people. The Central and state governments would have gained legitimacy had genuine engagement for peace continued between armed groups and civilian intermediaries. But by choosing to disengage after offering rhetoric, the political classes have managed to fuel fears that smaller communities are going to be at the receiving end of India's claims to being a superpower. Ethnic conflicts are perhaps the result of a misplaced sense of fear among communities. Surely, the best way to engage with this is to allay fears than seek to discipline them. Renewing the peace processes with different groups would be a more sustainable process to ensure reconciliation between the different peoples of Assam. Barbora is the Guwahati-based programme manager of Panos Institute South Asia. Feb 03, 2007 _______________________________________________ assam mailing list assam@assamnet.org http://assamnet.org/mailman/listinfo/assam_assamnet.org
