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Losses, Before Bullets Fly

March 7, 2003
By NICHOLAS D. KRISTOF 




 

Last week a member of the Canadian Parliament for the
ruling party, Carolyn Parrish, was caught on television
declaring: "Damn Americans. I hate those bastards." 

Then the Toronto Globe and Mail newspaper conducted a
(hopelessly unscientific) poll on its Web site, asking
Canadians whether they agreed that "Americans are behaving
like `bastards.' " The returns aren't good: as of
yesterday, 51 percent were saying yes. 

When even the Canadians, normally drearily polite, get
colorfully steamed at us, we know the rest of the world is
apopleptic. After all, the latest invective comes on top of
the prime minister's spokesman calling George Bush a
"moron" last fall. 

Canada's incivility is a reminder that the U.S. and its
allies are slugging one another to death while Iraq watches
from the sidelines. If, as Mr. Bush suggested in a press
conference last night, the U.S. may lose a vote in the U.N.
and then promptly go to war anyway, the internecine warfare
within the West will grow far worse. 

The U.S. debate on the antipathy toward us has been
misleading, I think, in its focus on France. (There's now
an American bumper sticker: "Iraq Now, France Next.") It's
not just the prickly Gauls who are taking potshots at us -
it's even our buddies, like the Canadians and the Irish. 

In a survey, The Sunday Independent newspaper of Ireland
polled Dublin residents about whom they feared most, Saddam
Hussein or George Bush. The result: 39 percent picked
Saddam; 60 percent, Mr. Bush. Even in Britain, a poll by
The Sunday Times of London found that equal numbers called
Saddam and Mr. Bush the "greatest threat to world peace." 

So let's take stock of how our invasion of Iraq is going.
The Western alliance is ferociously strained, NATO is
paralyzed, America is resented by millions, the United
Nations is in crisis, U.S. pals like Tony Blair are being
skewered at home, North Korea has exploited our distraction
to crank up plutonium production, oil prices have surged,
and the world financial markets have sagged. 

And the war hasn't even begun yet. 

Of course, one school
of thought holds it doesn't much matter that the United
States is perceived as the world's newest Libya. If the
Canadians don't like us, we can always exercise the
military option and push our border up to 54-40. 

But global attitudes do matter. Before the first gulf war,
Secretary of State James Baker made three visits to Turkey.
This time around, Secretary of State Colin Powell hasn't
visited once. So it's not surprising that Turkey refused to
accept U.S. troops, impairing our plans for a northern
offensive. 

President Bush is now making great progress in the war
against Al Qaeda. And that's happening because Mr. Bush was
willing to work with the Pakistani leaders; what made the
difference was not just our military power, but also our
diplomacy. 

Of course, the U.S. may have a solid plan, as Jay Leno
said: "President Bush may be the smartest military
president in history. First he gets Iraq to destroy all of
their own weapons. Then he declares war." 

The worry is that we're already taking such losses, in
terms of our alliances, that one wonders what will happen
when the hard part begins - the day after Saddam has
toppled, when we may see Shiites slaughtering Sunnis in
southern Iraq; thousands of armed Iraqi exiles pouring in
from Iran; Turks and Kurds fighting over the Kirkuk oil
wells in northern Iraq; Iraqi military officers trying to
peddle anthrax and VX gas; and radical Islamists trying to
take control of nuclear-armed Pakistan. 

As one savvy official observed, occupying Baghdad comes at
an "unpardonable expense in terms of money, lives lost and
ruined regional relationships." Another expert put it this
way: "We should not march into Baghdad. . . . To occupy
Iraq would instantly shatter our coalition, turning the
whole Arab world against us, and make a broken tyrant into
a latter-day Arab hero . . . assigning young soldiers to a
fruitless hunt for a securely entrenched dictator and
condemning them to fight in what would be an unwinnable
urban guerrilla war. It could only plunge that part of the
world into even greater instability." 

Those comments may overemphasize the risks, but they are
from top-notch analysts whose judgments I respect. The
first comment was made by Colin Powell in a Foreign Affairs
essay in 1992; the second is in "A World Transformed," a
1998 book by the first President Bush. �� 



http://www.nytimes.com/2003/03/07/opinion/07KRIS.html?ex=1048059218&ei=1&en=3d6ecb9cdac87439



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