I have corresponded with Paul Lukasiak a number of times as it often
seemed he and I and only a couple other people were the only ones who
bothering to look at Bush's records.  I remember seeing Scotty waving
those microfiches in his hand at the podium and thinking, you know, I
should be recording this because I bet there is something in there.

- - - - - - - - - - - -

Stung!
A swarm of new media stories on young George W. Bush's dereliction of
duty pops his heroic-leadership bubble.
- - - - - - - - - - - -
By Eric Boehlert

Sept. 9, 2004  |  On Feb. 13, as controversy swirled around President
Bush's service in the Texas Air National Guard during the Vietnam War,
the White House released more than 400 pages of documents on the press
corps, proving, it claimed, that Bush had served honorably and
fulfilled his commitment. The sudden rush of records, often redundant,
jumbled and out of chronological order, generally left reporters
baffled. From Bush's point of view, the document dump was a political
success, as the controversy cooled and the paper trail ran dry.

In retrospect, it's doubtful that even White House aides understood
all the information embedded in the records, specifically the payroll
documents. It's also unlikely they realized how damaging the
information could be when read in the proper context. Seven months
later, the document dump is coming back to haunt the White House,
thanks to researcher Paul Lukasiak, who has spent that time closely
examining the paperwork, and more important, analyzing U.S. Statutory
Law, Department of Defense regulations, and Air Force policies and
procedures of the 1960s and 1970s. As a result, Lukasiak arrived at
the overwhelming conclusion that not only did Bush walk away from his
final two years of military obligation, coming dangerously close to
desertion, but that he attempted to cover up his absenteeism through
swindle and fraud.

Lukasiak's findings, detailed on his Web site the AWOL Project, have
since been bolstered and augmented by independent research by the
Boston Globe and the Associated Press. On Wednesday, CBS News reported
what may be among the most damaging details yet: that Bush's squadron
commander, the late Col. Jerry Killian, complained he was being
pressured by higher-ups to give Bush a favorable evaluation after he
suspended him from flying for failure to take his annual physical
exam. Titled "CYA," Killian's memo concluded, "I'm having trouble
running interference and doing my job."

But for the last several months, Lukasiak has practically had the AWOL
story to himself, as the mainstream media mostly seemed silenced by
the big February document release, the daunting task of decoding
military personnel records, and the repeated refrain from the Bush
White House that the president was honorably discharged. Among the
three most compelling conclusions reached by Lukasiak in his new,
meticulous research, are:

Bush's request to transfer to an Alabama Guard unit in 1972, in order
to work on the Senate campaign of a family friend, Lukasiak found, was
not designed to be temporary, but rather was Bush's attempt to sever
ties completely with the Texas Air National Guard and find a new,
permanent unit in Alabama for which he was ineligible, where he
wouldn't have to do any training during his final two years. His
superiors in Texas essentially covered for Bush's getaway. However,
the Air Reserve Personnel Center (ARPC) in Denver, Colo., which had
final say, uncovered the attempted scam, put an end to it, and
admonished Bush's superiors for endorsing Bush's bogus request. (The
CBS News report shows that the locals were chafing at interference
from "higher-ups" presumably connected to the powerful Bush family).
In the interim, Bush simply ignored his weekend duties for nearly six
straight months, not bothering to show up at military units in either
Alabama or Texas.

The White House has conceded that Bush missed some required weekend
training drills, but insists Bush promptly made up those drills and
earned enough annual credits for an honorable discharge. In fact,
according to Lukasiak's research, based on the procedures in place at
the time requiring that makeup dates be completed within 15 days
before or 30 days after the date of the drill date missed, between
half and two-thirds of the points credited to Bush for substitute
training were fraudulent. Some of the points credited to Bush were
"earned" nine weeks beyond the date of the missed drill. According to
Air Force policy, Bush could not have received permission for
substitute training that far outside the accepted parameters. The
evidence is also overwhelming that Bush failed to get authorization
for substitute training in advance, suggesting the points were awarded
by the Texas Air National Guard retroactively and without any
supporting paperwork. The fraudulent points are key, because without
them Bush would have fallen far short of meeting his annual
obligation, which meant he should have been transferred to active duty
for 24 months and made eligible for service in Vietnam.

On Oct. 1, 1973, Bush received an honorable discharge from the Texas
Air National Guard in order to move to Boston and attend the Harvard
Business School, where he was still obligated to find a unit in
Massachusetts to fulfill his remaining nine months of duty, or face
being placed on active duty. Once again, Bush made no such effort. But
the Air Force in Denver, acting retroactively, in effect overturned
Bush's honorable discharge and placed him on "Inactive Status"
effective Sept. 15, 1973. When Bush left Texas, his personnel file was
sent to Denver for review. The ARPC quickly realized Bush had failed
to take a required physical exam, his Texas superior could not account
for his whereabouts covering nearly a 12-month period, and due to
absenteeism Bush had failed to "satisfactorily participate" as a
member of the Texas Air National Guard. Bush's "Inactive Status" meant
his relationship with the Air Force (and the Guard) was severed and he
was therefore eligible for the draft.

Soon afterward, large gaps began appearing in Bush's paper trail.
Lukasiak concludes that only last-minute intervention, likely from
Bush's local Houston draft board, saved him from active duty, as well
as finally securing his honorable discharge, removing his "Inactive
Status." Ironically, that means strings were pulled to get Bush out of
the Guard in 1973, just as they were pulled to get him enrolled in
1968.

The AWOL Project's conclusions are bound to give Dan Bartlett concern.
He's the White House director of communications and has served as
Bush's point person over the last five years regarding inquiries about
National Guard service. Dating back to the 2000 campaign and right up
to this day, Bartlett has routinely changed his stories regarding
Bush's service depending on what information was available to the
public. As more and more documents trickle out and it becomes
increasingly obvious Bush received wildly favorable treatment during
his Guard days while doing his best to skirt his duties, Bartlett is
left trying to stake out explanations that haven't already been
discredited. And those options are shrinking.

Bartlett's latest flip-flop surrounds Bush's failure to locate a new
Guard unit and fulfill his duty while attending Harvard Business
School. In 1999, Bartlett said Bush had reported for duty at a
Massachusetts Guard unit as required. This week Bartlett conceded to
the Boston Globe he must have "misspoke," because it's clear Bush made
no effort whatsoever to serve out his term while living in Boston.
That answer is reminiscent of Bartlett's response during the 2000
campaign when asked about Bush's failure to take a required military
physical in 1972: "As he was not flying, there was no reason for him
to take a flight physical exam." But that response is directly
contradicted by the Air Force Specialty Code, which required a
physical regardless of flight status.

On Wednesday, Bartlett told CBS News, in response to Jerry Killian's
memos, "It's impossible to read the mind of a dead man." He then
reverted to his usual refrain: "The official files tell the facts,"
says Bartlett. "And the facts are President Bush served. He served
honorably. And that's why he was honorably discharged."

The shifting explanations and obfuscations coming from the White House
are one reason why the Guard story remains dangerous for Bush. The
controversy, after all, is not merely about how he received a million
dollars' worth of free pilot training and then stiffed the government
when it came time to pay it back in service. It's also about how, for
the last decade, Bush and his advisors have done everything possible
to distort, if not erase, the truth about Bush's service record in
order to advance his political career.

The detailed research from Lukasiak, a Philadelphia caterer, deals
strictly with the contents of Bush's military service documents,
particularly those after April 1972, when Bush decided -- on his own
-- to stop flying. But what's fascinating is that when recent news
reports from Salon, the Associated Press, CBS and the Boston Globe are
layered on top of the AWOL Project research, they fit together almost
seamlessly, revealing a vivid portrait of Bush as a young man whose
military service was evaded.

Last week Salon reported that in late 1972 George H.W. Bush phoned a
longtime Bush family confidant in Alabama, Jimmy Allison, to ask if
there was room on the local campaign he was managing for Bush's
troublesome son George, or "Georgie" as he was called. "The impression
I had was that Georgie was raising a lot of hell in Houston, getting
in trouble and embarrassing the family, and they just really wanted to
get him out of Houston and under Jimmy's wing," Linda Allison, his
widow, told Salon. "After about a month I asked Jimmy what was
Georgie's job, because I couldn't figure it out. I never saw him do
anything," said Allison. Asked if she'd ever seen Bush in a uniform,
Allison said: "Good lord, no. I had no idea that the National Guard
was involved in his life in any way."

This week a new advocacy group calling itself Texans for Truth
announced that it will air a television commercial featuring a former
Alabama National Guard pilot who insists he never saw Bush in 1972 at
the small Guard unit at Dannelly Air National Guard base in
Montgomery, where the president claims he served. The pilot, Bob
Mintz, has told a consistent tale. In February, he told the Memphis
Flyer newspaper: "There's no way we wouldn't have noticed a strange
rooster in the henhouse, especially since we were looking for him."
Mintz was referring to the news on the base that somebody from Texas
with political influence was coming to train with the unit. "I was
looking for him," said Mintz.

On Wednesday night, on CBS's "60 Minutes," in an interview with Dan
Rather, former Texas Lt. Gov. Ben Barnes went public for the first
time about how he pulled strings to get young Bush a coveted slot, at
the height of the Vietnam War, in the Texas Air National Guard. "I've
thought about it an awful lot and you walk through the Vietnam
memorial, particularly at night like I did a few months ago and, I
tell you, ... reflecting back, I'm very sorry about it, but you know,
it happened and it was because of my ambition, my youth and my lack of
understanding. But it happened and it's not ... something I'm
necessarily proud of."

CBS also reported on four documents from the personal files of Col.
Jerry Killian, Bush's squadron commander. One memo ordered Bush to
take "an annual physical examination" -- an order he refused. CBS
reports: "On August 1, 1972, Col. Killian grounded Lt. Bush for
failure to perform to U.S. Air Force/Texas Air National Guard
standards and for failure to take his annual physical as ordered. A
year after Lt. Bush's suspension from flying, Killian was asked to
write another assessment. Killian's memo, titled 'CYA,' reads he is
being pressured by higher-ups to give the young pilot a favorable
yearly evaluation; to, in effect, sugarcoat his review. He refuses,
saying, 'I'm having trouble running interference and doing my job.'"

This week, the AP reported that a thorough analysis of Bush's military
documents indicate obvious gaps in his service along with equally
gratuitous gaps in his paperwork. Specifically missing are: "A report
from the Texas Air National Guard to Bush's local draft board
certifying that Bush remained in good standing." "Records of a
required investigation into why Bush lost flight status." "A written
acknowledgment from Bush that he had received the orders grounding
him." "Reports of formal counseling sessions Bush was required to have
after missing more than three training sessions." "A signed statement
from Bush acknowledging he could be called to active duty if he did
not promptly transfer to another guard unit after leaving Texas."

In February of this year, Salon interviewed Bill Burkett, a retired
lieutenant colonel in the Texas National Guard, who claims he observed
aides to Bush going through his military file in 1997 to remove any
embarrassing information, tossing documents in the trash, allegedly
the types of documents that might help answer many of the unanswered
questions surrounding Bush's Guard service. "Activities occurred in
order to, in my opinion, inappropriately build a false image of the
governor's military service," Burkett told Salon. Burkett first went
public with his accusations in 1998 and has told the same story
consistently for six years.

Also last February, Salon reported that Bush's mysterious decision in
the spring of 1972 to stop flying and subsequently refuse to take a
physical exam came at the same time the Air Force announced its
Medical Service Drug Abuse Testing Program, which meant random drug
testing for pilots, including Guardsmen.

Meanwhile, the White House has not been able to produce anything or
anybody with any credibility to contradict the growing body of
evidence that suggests Bush deliberately walked away from his duties
and that Bush and his handlers continue to lie about his military
service. Retired Lt. Col. John Calhoun was the one witness who was
brought forward this year to back up Bush's story that he actually
showed up in Alabama. He recalled seeing Bush at training sessions
between "eight to ten times from May to October 1972." Yet not even
Bush's own payroll records suggest he did drills in Alabama at the
time Calhoun allegedly spotted him. (Amazingly, ABC News on Wednesday
used Calhoun as a credible witness to bolster Bush's account, despite
the fact that the dates Calhoun cites don't even match up with
Bush's.)

There's also no paper trail to support Bush's claim that he completed
any service following 1972. As Lukasiak notes, each substitute
training Bush completed, and there were many, should have generated
authorized AF Form 40a's: "All told, Bush performed 'substitute
training' on at least 20 days. Thus there should be, at the very
least, 20 AF Form 40a's with the name of the officer who authorized
the training in advance, the name and signature the officer who
supervised the training, and Bush's own signature." But not one such
form exists.

A similar absence of information surrounds Bush's dubious explanation
of his attempted transfer to Alabama. The move should have generated a
small mountain of paperwork. Under normal circumstances, 10 steps are
required to transfer:

1) The Guardsman announces that he will need to relocate.

2) His personnel officer explains the relocation policies and
procedures to him.

3) The Guardsman signs an acknowledgment that he has received the
relocation counseling.

4) The personnel officer gives the Guardsman a certification of
satisfactory participation, which he will need to get approval for a
transfer.

5) The Guardsman locates an appropriate Ready Reserve position with a
new unit, and submits a "Transfer Request Form" (Form 1288) and a new
"Ready Reserve Service Agreement (Form 1644), along with the
certification of satisfactory participation, to the "receiving unit."

6) The receiving unit "indorses" the request on the back of the Form
1288, and provides the Guardsman with certification that an
appropriate position is available in that unit.

7) The Guardsman gives Form 1288, Form 1644, the certification of an
appropriate position, and a letter of resignation to his current unit
commander.

8) The unit commander indorses the request, and forwards it to the
state adjutant general.

9) The adjutant general approves the request, and discharges the
Guardsman from the Air National Guard to the Air Force Reserves.

10) The Air Force Reserves assigns the former Guardsman to his new unit.

In Bush's case, according to Lukasiak's research, "There is no
statement of counseling, no certification of satisfactory performance,
no certification of a suitable vacancy, no letter of resignation, no
discharge papers, no discharge orders, and no reassignment orders."

There are also indications that Bush -- unwilling to fly, take a
physical or report for duty -- was trying to mislead Guard officials
with his transfer application. When asked for his permanent address,
Bush listed the P.O. box for the Alabama campaign headquarters he
worked for temporarily. When asked to note his Air Force Specialty
Code, Bush wrote down 1125B, the designation for F-89 or F-94 pilots.
At the time of his transfer request, both of these planes had been
retired from service in all components of the Air Force, including the
Guard and Reserves. Bush's accurate code was 1125D, designing an F-102
pilot. At the time, F-102 planes were still very much in use. It was
an error Bush made more than once on the application. Lukasiak writes:
"The odds of Bush being able to scam his way into a non-training unit
[in Alabama] would be enhanced if his specific skill set was one which
was no longer useful to the Air Force."

In May 1972, Bush was informed that the unit in Alabama he requested
was clearly unsuitable for a pilot of his stature, yet he pressed on,
and his Texas superiors endorsed the transfer request and submitted
it. But the Denver headquarters caught the scam and rejected it. The
Texas chief of military personnel sent a curt warning to Bush's unit
about the clearly bogus request: "Attention is invited to basic
communication."

Lukasiak's work has created a storm in the blogosphere. (He's also a
Salon Table Talk member, and an active thread is devoted to his
research.) He makes no secret of his conviction that Bush used his
family connections to evade the draft. The AWOL Project concludes:
"Bush simply blew off his last two years of required service, and was
able to get away with it because he came from a politically
influential family. There is no other explanation for Bush's records.
None."

Of course none of that stopped Bush from hyping his military service
as he launched his political career. In 1978, during an unsuccessful
run for Congress in West Texas, Bush produced campaign literature that
claimed he had served "in the US Air Force and the Texas Air National
Guard." In 1999, when asked by an A.P. reporter why Bush had claimed
to have served specifically with the U.S. Air Force when he'd only
been in the National Guard, Bush's spokesperson Karen Hughes insisted
the claim was accurate because when Bush attended flight school for
the Air National Guard he was considered to be on active duty for the
Air Force. That was plainly false, as the A.P. noted, citing Air Force
policy, which stated Guardsmen are never considered to be members of
the Air Force active duty.

Just four years after escaping his military obligations, Bush was
already trying to rewrite his military record for political gain. Bush
said he strongly supported the Vietnam War, obscuring how he spent
several years, after securing a safe spot in the National Guard,
evading his military obligation. Now President Bush orders Guardsmen
and Reservists to shoulder an unprecedented load -- physically,
financially and emotionally -- in the war in Iraq. As new information
at last begins to emerge about what he really did, Bush and his aides
are still at work covering up the record. His ultimate war is with the
truth about his past.

About the writer
Eric Boehlert is a senior writer at Salon.

http://www.salon.com/news/feature/2004/09/09/bush_guard_duty/print.html

Gary Denton
--
#2 on google for liberal news
"I don't try harder"
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