From: Gaffar Peang-Meth <[email protected]>
Date: Tue, Apr 20, 2010 at 10:30 AM
Subject: Action brings change -- bad or good
To:


*PACIFIC DAILY NEWS*
April 21, 2010

*Action brings change -- bad or good*

By A. Gaffar Peang-Meth

I wrote last week that Alexey Semyonov of the Sakharov Foundation and
Professor Baktybek Abdrisaev of Utah Valley University called
Kyrgyzstan Central Asia's only nation to have "forced regime change,"
both observing that its people are "willing to fight for their rights."

We each can profit from learning about the interconnections among
seemingly unrelated events to draw lessons and build a better world.
Change breeds change. The Kyrgyz situation will evolve further -- as
will situations in Myanmar, Cambodia and elsewhere. Nothing shall
remain the same.

But change doesn't always bring good things.

Ideas are the catalyst of action. People of different temperament patterns
--
organizational consultant Dr. Linda V. Berens called them theorist,
catalyst, improviser, and stabilizer -- seem essential for good
thinking and action.

President Andrew Jackson advised: "Take time to deliberate; but when the
time for action arrives, stop thinking and go in."

Action opens door to many possibilities: the good and the bad.

Two strong proponents of action, former British Prime Minister Winston
Churchill and President Theodore Roosevelt, leave us with invaluable
insights.

"I never worry about action, but only about inaction," Churchill said.
"Success is not final, failure is not fatal: it is the courage to
continue that counts" -- "going from failure to failure without losing
enthusiasm."

"Do what you can, with what you have, where you are," Roosevelt said. "Get
action. Seize the moment. Man was never intended to become an oyster."
And: "In any moment of decision, the best thing you can do is the right
thing, the next best thing is the wrong thing, and the worst thing you
can do is nothing."

"You have enemies? Good. That means you've stood up for something, sometime
in your life," Churchill said.

Roosevelt noted: "No man is worth his salt who is not ready at all times to
risk
his body, to risk his well-being, to risk his life in a great cause."

On April 7, the Kyrgyz people acted in Central Asia, and Asian
parliamentarians petitioned Association of Southeast Asian Nations
leaders meeting in Hanoi to sanction and expel Myanmar from ASEAN.

On that day, in Bangkok, Thai Premier Abhisit Vejjajiva proclaimed a state
of emergency after the antigovernment red shirts, supporters of tycoon
turned populist former Premier Thaksin Shinawatra, broke into the
parliament building, sending legislators climbing over walls and
cabinet ministers scrambling to get on a helicopter to be rescued.

Then came the April 10 violent clashes between the red shirts and the
military: 23 protesters and soldiers were killed, some 900 were wounded.

Sopon Onkgara wrote in Bangkok's English language newspaper, The Nation, on
April 13 that the red shirts were armed with M-16 and AK-47 assault
rifles, M-79 grenade launchers and hand grenades as they faced soldiers
"who got direct orders from politicians with no battle experience."

Gone from Thailand, apparently, is the idea of a parliament as a house for
democratic debate. When angry demonstrators take to the streets,
lawless riots usually ensue and mob rule's tyrannical, imperious and
oppressive characteristics emerge.

Swedish expatriate journalist and author Bertil Lintner's "The Battle for
Thailand: Can Democracy Survive?" in the July/August 2009 Foreign
Affairs magazine reads: "The political crisis is best understood as a
simple power struggle between two different groups of elites. ...
Neither side could accurately be described as democratic. If Thaksin's
tenure was characterized by undemocratic practices, his opponents are
even more openly antidemocratic."

On April 15, The Washington Post editorialized: Three times in the past
four years, the yellow shirts, opponents of Shinawatra's populist
movement, created chaos in the streets of Bangkok and brought down
Thailand's "democratically elected governments." Now the Vejjajiva
government, "backed by the same alliance of the middle class, business
and traditional elites, has itself been cornered by the same tactics."

"Neither side in Thailand's class-based political conflict is a paragon of
democracy," the editorial stated.

Shinawatra "violated press freedoms and allowed massive violations of human
rights
by security forces. The root of Thailand's years of conflict, however,
is the unwillingness of the old establishment to accept that
(Shinawatra) has the support of the country's majority."

In neighboring Cambodia, Premier Hun Sen and his ruling Cambodian People's
Party control the country with an iron fist. Main opposition leader Sam
Rainsy told the Voice of America in July 2009 of his party's decision
to abandon street demonstrations and protests -- tools guaranteed by
domestic and international laws -- saying the party found it "much more
constructive and effective" to bring change through "other mechanisms."

While Rainsy visited France, in January Sen's court sentenced Rainsy in
absentia to two years in prison for uprooting Cambodia-Vietnam boundary
posts. On Feb. 25, the Deutsche Presse Agentur reported Sen as saying,
"This time the court sentenced (Rainsy) to jail -- no pardon this time"
and "In the next election (in 2013) there will be opposition parties,
but this person will not be there."

Sen said, "You must be jailed first, if you are brave enough to come and be
jailed."

Today, Rainsy remains in France. His political actions in Cambodia may have
to
be postponed for a while. Former premier Prince Ranariddh had to
foreswear political activities to be able to return to Cambodia from
self-imposed exile in Malaysia.

The "sheep culture" that reigns in Cambodia does not help.

A. Gaffar Peang-Meth, Ph.D., is retired from the University of Guam, where
he taught political science for 13 years. Write him at [email protected].

http://www.guampdn.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/201004210300/OPINION02/4210330



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