FROM KHMER KING , TO CHEF DE L'ETAT, AND COMMUNIST AGENT THAT IS THE STORY OF 
THIS MAN. 
 Thursday, August 05, 2010

Then-Prince Sihanouk and then-Princess Monique






CASE SHOWING A VIETNAMESE AS LIAR :
King Sihanouk accepts all Vietnamese communist as his friends.
1. Pham Van Dong , the Prime Minister of Vietnam. But Pham Van Dong behaved 
toward the Khmer King as a Thief ,a criminal , a liar ...

Here are the facts :
June 1967: 
-PHAM VAN DONG AS PRIME MINISTER declared to King Sihanouk that Vietnam 
respect Cambodia independence and territorial integrity in exchange for 
Cambodia recognition of the North Vietnamese as legal government of Vietnam 
in 1967 and allowed Vietnam to open the Ambassy in Phnom Penh in June 1967.

Dec. 25, 1978 Invasion of Cambodia. Some 100,000 Vietnamese with 20,000 KUFNS 
troops, under the direction of Gen. Van Tien Dung, launch an invasion of 
Cambodia
==================================================
Thursday, August 05, 2010
Op-Ed by MP


THOSE of us who have been keen observers of Cambodian politics within recent 
decades are more or less used to idiosyncratic reminiscences emanating from N. 
Sihanouk's camp. There's no real cause for doubting KI Media's sincerity in 
rendering this kind of anecdotes, which has been profusely produced by the 
former monarch himself and accumulated in abundance, no doubt, in his Royal 
Library.

What should interest any independent, fair-minded observer is to what extent 
and how much of an influence had our Royal Princess Monique who formed the 
other Half of the Khmer Royal pair been part of Sihanouk's decision-making 
throughout his long convoluted political career and, through that, her own 
personal involvement in the making of Cambodian history - its salvation and 
tragedies alike - in the course of the same period. In his own memoir, Sihanouk 
recalls how Monique was persistent in 'persuading' him - following his 
overthrow by Lon Nol - to join force with the Khmer Rouge who were then still 
under de facto influence of the North Vietnamese whose troops remained on Khmer 
soil even after April 1975 and would have remained there longer had it not been 
for Beijing's mounting pressure on Hanoi to withdraw. 

Perhaps, China did exert pressure on the exiled Khmer royals to return to 
reinforce Sihanouk's erstwhile opponents (Red Khmers) whom he now described as 
‘patriots’ or maybe the Royal Couple themselves were counting on the Vietminhs 
repaying them in gratitude for what the latter owed the former for that vital 
assistance provided prior to the 1970 coup. What is beyond debate is the fatal 
'mistake' committed by Sihanouk in his decision to embrace the Red Khmers so 
soon after that coup; an error which he subsequently himself publicly 
acknowledged in an off-guard moment to a journalist. If Monique did sway this 
historical decision then she may have, even with her youth and legendary beauty 
in mind, reduced more than a couple of Soviet leaders to helpless victims by 
the power of her spells. 

With the benefit of hindsight and with our bitter taste of what was to follow 
as a direct outcome of this course of action and gamble by Sihanouk one could 
not help but wonder what course history might have taken instead had he not 
allowed his Royal name and presence to be used by cold-hearted men and 
revolutionary groups whose ideology the US ambassador to Cambodia at the time 
described as ‘un-Cambodian’. And he was not simply referring to the North 
Vietnamese.

But even without the benefit of hindsight, it is plausible to take the view 
that there would have been no logical need for the Prince to plunge his small 
kingdom that had no real quarrel with the US into full blown armed conflict by 
embracing the Communists. Lon Nol might have grave difficulties holding out 
against the battle- hardened Vietminhs, but at least he would not have to 
dispense so much energy killing – or trying not to be killed by – his own 
compatriots in the Red Khmers who were now responding to Sihanouk’s call to 
bear arms against the ‘traitorous’ Khmer republicans with alarming fanaticism 
and zeal. The Vietnamese might also have eventually achieved their ultimate 
ambition of bringing the Indochina-coursing Mekong under their control by one 
means or another, but the most likely scenario that would have prevailed would 
have been the absence of executions and killings that had been a most salient 
and grim pattern in Cambodia’s ‘civil wars’ in recent decades. Even the 
systematic executions of between 40-60,000 defeated Lon Nol soldiers most of 
whom had once been Sihanouk’s ‘children’ and subjects – the part of that mass 
killings to only have been openly acknowledged by Pol Pot - would have been too 
much a price for Cambodia to have to pay. The survival of trained non-Communist 
military personnel would have provided the country with a much better material 
with which to resist outright foreign domination in later years. Even the North 
Vietnamese recognised the pragmatic benefit of incorporating former South 
Vietnamese soldiers and officers into their unified national military rank, 
some of whom were subsequently dispatched as ‘volunteers’ to Cambodia and Laos. 
This familiar mistake – committed again by the CPP in 1997 to neutralise 
Funcinpec’s military threat - should never be repeated. It is a senseless waste 
of human resource in the glaring face of the nation’s much lamented numerical 
handicap with relations to its neighbours, never mind the charge of rights 
violation against captured military personnel in time of war.

As a keen reader of world history, Sihanouk would have taken note with some 
personal trepidation of the massacre of the entire Russian royal family carried 
out by the Bolsheviks to ensure that the monarchy could never again re-emerge 
to reclaim the political throne in Russia. That he overlooked this personal 
risk and made a decision to throw in his lot with the Communist camp does seem 
to testify to his overall misplaced (and perhaps, reckless) optimism that the 
North Vietnamese and their Khmer Rouge allies would save his nation and people 
from any likely catastrophe - which they singularly failed, by force of their 
own respective motives and in line with their own ulterior agendas (and are 
arguably failing still) to do. Not only that. Once their common Foe – the US - 
had been overcome traditional distrust resurfaced between the North Vietnamese 
and their Pol Pot-led Communist allies leaving Sihanouk in a precarious 
position as he was now caught between the Tiger of the Khmer Rouge and the 
Crocodile of the Vietminhs in his Unholy Royal Alliance with them both, who by 
way of their own imperceptible metamorphoses and un-evolved predatory traits, 
continue to keep him through his ceremoniously enthroned royal heir firmly 
between their threatening jaws - a tragic fate and dilemma, furthermore, to 
which by way of perverted extension the Khmer people and nation are presently 
condemned.


 King Jayavarman VII :


"He suffered from the maladies of his subjects more than from his own; for it 
is the public grief which makes the grief of kings, and not their own grief." 
Inscription referring to the hospitals. 
  
Where is King Jayavarman VII ?
OPPRESSED CAMBODIAN PEOPLE LIVE IN TEARS UNDER VIETNAM OCCUPATION
 
 


Vorn Yoeun died with her unborn child still in her stomach because her husband 
did not have money to pay what a journalist of the Koh Santepheap called the 
"animal-doctors" who refused to give her the surgery she needed to deliver her 
baby (Photo: Koh Santepheap)A Cambodian homeless man, left, sleeps under 
Cambodia's Preah Vihear temple sign board in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, Thursday, 
March 26, 2009. Preah Vihear temple in a world heritage site is located near 
the Cambodian-Thai border, about 245 kilometers (152 miles) north of Phnom 
Penh, Cambodia. (AP Photo/Heng Sinith) 


THE VIETNAMESE TRICKS IN CAMBODIA OCCUPIED BY VIETNAM.THE VIETNAMESE WEARING 
THE LABEL "CAMBODIAN"


 



 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Khieu Kanharith,  the minister of Information, during a press conference held 
on 04 January 2009. KHIEU KANHARITH , A VIETNAMESE WEARING THE LABEL"CAMBODIAN"


Children sleep outdoors in Phnom Penh. A recent report says economic hard times 
may lead to instability. (Photo by: AFP)
Thursday, February 05, 2009

Sok Kong's Sokimex in line for big rewards from Hun Sen regime 


Sok Kong, the owner of Sokimex, a crony of Hun Sen
Sokimex gas station in Cambodia (Photo: The Phnom Penh Post)


Sokimex in line for black rewards (1) ?
 
SOK KONG SAYS HE IS A VIETNAMESE , SO CAN A VIETNAMESE OWN ALL THIS IN CAMBODIA 
?
 
THE FACTS ARE :
UN Passes Strong Resolution on Cambodia Human Rights Abuses 
Feb. 27, 1982 : UN Commission on Human Rights meeting in Geneva adopted a 
resolution condemning Vietnam’s occupation of Cambodia as a violation of 
Cambodian human rights. The vote was 28 in favor, 8 against, and 5 abstentions.
Oct. 21, 1986 The UN General Assembly adopted a resolution A/RES/41/6, by vote 
of 116-21 with 13 abstentions, calling for a withdrawal of Vietnamese forces 
from Cambodia.



 
this woman , the Deputy Prime Ministers Men Sam An(A VIETNAMESE ), Nhek Bun 
Chhay and Keat Chhon.
Ms Chea Leang seen here on this picture ,the so called "CAMBODIAN" 
CO-PROSECUTOR, is a Vietnamese woman 

Phnom Penh (Cambodia) 20 November 2006. Co-prosecutors Robert Petit talked to 
Chea Leang(a Vietnamese posing as "Cambodian" co-prosecutor) during the plenary 
session of judges for the KR Tribunal (Photo: John Vink/Magnum) 

Tribunal Prosecutors Differ on Added Suspects 


Chea Leang(a Vietnamese )posing as "Cambodian" co-prosecutor)Tribunal judges 
will determine whether more suspects should be investigated. 
WHAT RIGHTS DO THESE VIETNAMESE INVADERS HAVE TO CONTINUE TO
REMAIN IN THE COUNTRY AS MASTERS OF THE LAND?
 
Bury 
 

                                          

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