ជំរាបសួរបងបុប្ផាៈ ខ្ញុំសំណូមពរអោយបងស្រី?ឆ្លុះកញ្ចក់មើលខ្លួនឯង។ សង្គមខ្មែរប្រហែលជាដើរទៅមុខមិនរួចបើមានអ្នកដែលពូកែប្រើពាក្យអសុរសច្រើនដូចជាបង។ គួរពុំគួរសូមមេត្តាខន្តីអភ័យទោស។
សុភ័ណ On Oct 6, 12:23 pm, "Bopha Angkor" <[email protected]> wrote: > Lok Sophon, > > ខ្ញុំគ្រាន់តែផ្តល់ជាយោបល់ឬទស្សន:ចំពោះអ្វីដែលជាចំណុចមិនសមរម្យឬខ្វះកាតក្នុងអត្ថបទរបស់ > Professor Peang Meth ដែលបណ្តាលឲ្យអត្ថបទបាត់បង់តម្លៃ គ្មានគុណភាព (perdu > l’essense) ជាពិសេសក្នុងចំណោមបញ្ញាជន ទោះវាជាការអស្ចារ្យចំពោះជំពូកជនខ្លះមែន ។ > ទឹកពេញកន្លះកែវ ខុសគ្នានឹងទឹកពេញកែវ ។ គ្រប់បញ្ហាទាក់ទងនឹងយួន > តោងតៀមទាការទទួលខុសត្រូវខ្ពស់ លើកលែងតែជននោះមានចេតនាផ្សេង ។ បើ Professor Peang > Meth មិនពេញចិត្តឬជំទាស់អ្វីចំពោះយោបល់ ឬការតិះទៀនរបស់ខ្ញុំ > លោកអាចសួរនាំខ្ញុំដោយសម្រួល ខ្ញុំអាចឆ្លើយទៅវិញសមរម្យបាន តែខ្ញុំមិនខាតពេល > វេលាដ៏មានតម្លៃរបស់ខ្ញុំជាមួយពួកអាចោរម្សៀតឬពួកអាថោកទាបផ្តាច់ការទេ ។ សូមទោស > > ម្យាងទៀត ការតិះទៀន > ការពិភាគសាររកខុសត្រូវវាជារឿងធម្មតាសម្រាប់សង្គមប្រជាធិបតេយ្យហើយវាជាចំណុចខ្វះខាតបំផុតក្នុងសង្គមខ្មែរ > វាសម្បូរតែពួកអាចោរ/អាចារ្យតែថេះ និងពួកអាហៃអើប៉ុណ្ណោះ > ទើបសង្គមខ្មែរធ្លាក់ក្នុងភាពខ្មៅងងឹតយ៉ាងនេះ ។ ការដែលនាំអោយចេះពិចារណា ចេះតិះទៀន > គឺវាខុសពីទម្លាប់ពួកវាហើយ > ព្រោះវាមិនមែនជាវប្បធម៌របស់ពួកអាផ្តាច់ការដែលស្គាល់តែហឹង្សាផ្តាច់ការ > ល្ងង់ខ្លៅដឹកនាំជីវិតពួកវាតែប៉ុណ្ណោះ ។ សុភាសិតបារាំងថា ក្នុងនគរពួកអាខ្វាក់ > អាភ្នែកម្ខាងជាស្តេច នោះវាត្រឹមត្រូវណាស់ចំពោះអ្វីកើតឡើងក្នុងសង្គមខ្មែរ ។ > សូមជំរាបថា ការជេរដៀលត្មេះទាំងងុលកំរោលរបស់ពួក/អាថោកទាប > ពួកអាផ្តាច់ការវាគ្មានអ្វីគួរអោយភ្ញាក់ផ្អើលចំពោះខ្ញុំទេ > ហើយវាក៏មិនអាចប៉េះពាល់អ្វីខ្ញុំដែរ > ព្រោះខ្ញុំស្គាល់ក្រយៅវានិងវប្បធម៌វាច្បាស់ណាស់ ។ សូមអរគុណ > > Bopha Angkor > > > > > > > > ----- Original Message ----- > From: "sophan" <[email protected]> > To: "Cambodia Discussion (CAMDISC) -www.cambodia.org" > <[email protected]> > Sent: Thursday, October 06, 2011 7:12 PM > Subject: Re: This is a must read article by Dr. Peang-Meth, a Khmer > political scientist > > Thanks James for your kind wisdom-sharing. I do hope Bopha Angkor can > take time to answer to what James has concerned about. My response to > Bopha Angkor is the same like James. > > With Metta, > > On Oct 6, 8:11 am, James Sok <[email protected]> wrote: > > Please read attachment. > > > Thanks, > > > James > > ----- Original Message ----- > From: S. Sophan > To: Cambodian Community of Canada > Sent: Wednesday, October 05, 2011 9:52 PM > Subject: This is a must read article by Dr. Peang-Meth, a Khmer political > scientist > > Wednesday, October 5, 2011 > Brief History of Vietnamese Expansionism vis-à-vis Cambodia > Brief History of Vietnamese Expansionism vis-à-vis Cambodia > > In 1941, Ho created the Viet Minh, an abbreviation of "Vietnam Doc Lap > Dong Minh Hoi," or "League for the Independence of Vietnam," and spread its > anti-French activities to Laos and Cambodia, where the Viet Minh later > fragmentized the anti-French local Khmer Issarak front into a Khmer Viet Minh > front. In 1949, the Viet Minh instituted the "Ban Van Dong Thanh Lap Dang > Nhan Cach Mang Cao Mien" ("Canvassing Committee for the Creation of the > Revolutionary Kampuchean People's Party") and created the Kampuchean People's > Liberation Army in 1950. > By Gaffar Peang-Meth > Professor of Political Science (retired) > University of Guam > > Originally posted > at:http://www.khmerinstitute.org/articles/art13vietnamization.html > On Christmas Eve 1978, more than 100,000 Vietnamese troops, backed by tanks > and aircraft, crossed the border into Cambodia. In 14 days of fighting, > Hanoi's army sent Pol Pot and his Khmer Rouge fleeing. The Vietnamese > captured Phnom Penh Jan. 7, 1979, installed a puppet regime and stayed for > the next 10 years. > > For victims of Pol Pot's genocidal rule, which began April 17, 1975 and > resulted in the deaths of upwards of two million people, Jan.7, 1979 was the > day of deliverance by Vietnam. Surely, Vietnam was their "savior" and their > "liberator" at a time when the world watched and did nothing about the > horrors of the Killing Fields. However, for many Cambodians, Jan. 7th is also > a day of infamy. Pol Pot was replaced by those referred to as Cambodians with > Khmer bodies but Vietnamese heads, the Khmer Viet Minh. This cohort was > created by the Vietnamese Communist Lao Dong, trained at the Son Tay Military > Academy and the Nguyen Ai Quoc political school, and led by a disgruntled > regional field commander, Hun Sen, who became indebted to Hanoi for his > return to power. Many Cambodians felt that substituting the Khmer Viet Minh > for the Khmer Rouge was like replacing cholera with the plague. > > A host of foreign governments also worried. The world was still governed by > the well-specified rule of law founded on the principle of absolute, > comprehensive, permanent and inviolable sovereignty and independence. As > Singapore argued before the international community at the United Nations, > the world is no longer safe, and peace and security are no longer assured, if > a more powerful state is allowed to invade a weaker one like Vietnam had > done. The Association of South East Asian Nations spearheaded calls for > Vietnam to withdraw its troops from Cambodia. > > As a result, the United Nations and other international organizations > became a political-diplomatic battleground for many years between proponents > and opponents of Vietnam's invasion. And so it was that the anti-Vietnamese > Khmer Resistance was born, first as separate armed bands with similar goals, > and later as a loose coalition of Cambodians of the fallen Khmer Republic, > Cambodians of the monarchy, and the leftovers of the Khmer Rouge. Despite > their differences, they worked together toward pressuring Vietnam into > withdrawal and to seek Cambodian self-determination. > > Cambodian nationalists assert that Vietnam attacked Pol Pot in 1979 because > he became too independent of Hanoi. The invasion was initiated to bring the > insolent back into line. Since 1979, they have asked: If Vietnam's goal was > to "save" and "liberate" the Cambodian people from Pol Pot, what prevented > Vietnam from surrendering a freed Cambodia and her people to work with the > world community to build a new government and social order? Would not Vietnam > have received profound gratitude by ceding to the United Nations the role of > assisting Cambodians' self-determination rather than imposing 10 years of > foreign occupation? > > HANOI’S GRAND DESIGN > > Hanoi, like the rest of the world, knew that Pol Pot's agents had > perpetrated brutalities against the Khmer people since April 17, 1975, when > the Khmer Rouge forced the evacuation of the entire Cambodian population from > homes, villages, towns and cities and took them to perform forced labor. > Suffering, death and destruction were the order of the day. > > The widely reported burning of homes and massacres of civilians in > Vietnam's An Giang and Chau Doc provinces in 1977 by Pol Pot's guerrilla > units offered an incitement to Vietnam, which was then busy strategizing and > plotting Ho Chi Minh's grand design of a greater Vietnam. The Khmer Rouge’s > belligerence gave the Vietnamese even more reason to put in play a takeover > plan that would advance its goal of a federation of Vietnam, Cambodia and > Laos. > > It is no coincidence that Vietnamese troops invaded Cambodia on the same > day Brezhnev's Soviet 40th Army entered Afghanistan, Dec. 24, 1979. The > Soviet Union was Vietnam's chief ally and financial supporter at the time. > Following the regime change in Moscow in May 1988, the Soviets began to exit > Afghanistan one month after Gorbachev announced they would. Meanwhile, Hanoi > was working on an exit strategy of its own. > > Vietnam observed the rapid changes under way around the world: in the > Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, communism was in retreat; rival China was on > the rise; and U.S.-China relations was warming and mutually supportive of the > anti-Vietnamese Khmer Resistance. While Vietnam began to hint at its eventual > withdrawal from Cambodia, it took offensive military action against the > Cambodian resistance. Hanoi maneuvered to weaken the anti-Vietnam U.S.-China > alliance by encouraging talks between the Vietnam-created regime in Cambodia > and the resistance factions. The talks were also designed to improve the > puppet government's legitimacy. By the time withdrawal of Vietnamese forces > from Cambodia began in December 1989 (11 years after the initial invasion), > Vietnam had ensured that its Cambodian subordinates, the Khmer Viet Minh, > were entrenched in Cambodia's administrative and governmental organizations. > > BACKGROUND > > As French critic Jean-Baptiste Alphonse Karr said, "Plus ça change, plus > c'est la même chose," or, "The more things change, the more they remain the > same." Look at the history of relations between Cambodia and Vietnam for > affirmation. > > The Vietnamese southward expansion after Nam Viet freed itself in 939 from > a thousand-year Chinese bondage was described by Vietnamese scholar Nguyen > The Anh in "Le Nam Tien dans les textes Vietnamiens," as a centuries-long > phenomenon called "Nam Tien" (progression southwards), "one of Vietnam's > history's constants." Anh described the "sparsely populated and accessible > land available for [Vietnamese] rice growers" to the south as "favorable for > encroachment." Vietnamese "Confucian persuasion" was abandoned in favor of > "an action resolutely imperialistic" to grab land and impose Vietnamese > "administrative and cultural practice ... to better integrate [the new area] > into the Vietnamese space." The migration was ongoing, even as other kingdoms > were encountered. In 1406, the ancient kingdom of Champa's capital, Vijaya, > was seized and the kingdom was extinguished in 1471. Then, in 1630, > Vietnamese princess Ngoc Van, married to Khmer King Chey Chetha II, promoted > Vietnamese settlements in the low delta Khmer territory of Preah Suakea (Ba > Ria) and Prey Nokor (Saigon). > > Historical records reveal that until the French protectorate was > established in 1863, Cambodia was a battlefield for Thai and Vietnamese > armies that fought on Khmer soil. Khmer dynastic quarrels led separate royal > factions to seek support from Bangkok and Hue. Cambodia was known as a > "two-headed bird" – a tributary state to both foreign capitals. In 1833, > after Vietnam defeated the Thais in Cambodia, the bird head pointed toward > Hue, and Vietnamization of Cambodia began in earnest: Vietnam installed > teenager Ang Mey as queen, Cambodia's capital was renamed "Nam Viang," > Cambodia's reorganization followed Vietnamese administrative lines, and > authorities adopted Vietnamese names, customs and dress. In 1840, the > Cambodian government was seated in Saigon, and Cambodia's name was changed to > "Tran Tay" (western commandery). > > REPEAT OF HISTORY > > Opponents of Vietnam's 1978 invasion see Hun Sen and his ruling Cambodian > People's Party as a force seeking integration of Cambodia into the late Ho > Chin Minh's dream of a federation of former French Indochinese states of > Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos. As has been the case many times in history, > Cambodians have connived with the Vietnamese to accomplish Vietnam's goals: > Khmer King Chey Chettha II in 1620, King Ang Chan II in the 1800s, Prince > Sihanouk in the Vietnam War, Pol Pot and Paris-trained Khmer Marxists, Hun > Sen and his ruling Cambodian People's Party, supported by the King Father > Sihanouk and his son Sihamoni, the current king. > > What started as Nam Viet’s search for security and growth became a strategy > for expansionism. The intention to expand its influence is illustrated even > in the name of the political party founded in 1930 by Ho Chi Minh – the > "Communist Party of Indochina." Ho did not just want to liberate Vietnam from > the French; he defined the task of the CPI "to make Indochina completely > independent." > > In 1941, Ho created the Viet Minh, an abbreviation of "Vietnam Doc Lap Dong > Minh Hoi," or "League for the Independence of Vietnam," and spread its > anti-French activities to Laos and Cambodia, where the Viet Minh later > fragmentized the anti-French local Khmer Issarak front into a Khmer Viet Minh > front. In 1949, the Viet Minh instituted the "Ban Van Dong Thanh Lap Dang > Nhan Cach Mang Cao Mien" ("Canvassing Committee for the Creation of the > Revolutionary Kampuchean People's Party") and created the Kampuchean People's > Liberation Army in 1950. > > Although the CPI was dissolved to publicly demonstrate Vietnam did not > harbor expansionist intentions toward its neighbors, it resurfaced in > February 1951 as the Lao Dong (Vietnam Workers' Party) with the same agenda. > The Lao Dong’s goal of integrating Cambodia into a Greater Vietnam may be > read in its political report which stated: "We must strive to help our > Cambodian and Laotian brothers ... and arrive at setting up a > Vietnam-Cambodian-Laotian Front" against the French. A month later the "Joint > National United Front for Indochina" was formed. In November of that year, > the Revolutionary Kampuchean People's Party was created with name and statute > drafted in the Vietnamese language. It has been said the RKPP and the > Cambodian local Communist Pracheachon Party were one and the same. As Prince > Sihanouk wrote in February 1960, the Pracheachon Party was "working > indefatigably ... and specifically to bring Cambodia under the heel of North > Vietnam." > > Brian Crozier, a former Reuters correspondent, quoted a captured November > 1951 Viet Minh document exhibiting Vietnam's hegemonic attitude: "The > Vietnamese Party reserves the right to supervise the activities of its > brother parties in Cambodia and Laos." Crozier also quoted a Viet Minh radio > broadcast of April 1953: "The Lao Dong Party and the people of Vietnam have > the mission to make revolution in Cambodia and Laos. We, the Viet Minh > elements, have been sent to serve this revolution and to build the union of > Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos." Viet Minh administrations with their own armed > forces and system of tax collection were established in Cambodia and Laos. A > Hanoi-created "Kampuchean Resistance Government" emerged in 1952 to rival > Sihanouk's Royal Government. > > When the July 1954 Geneva Accords ordered Viet Minh forces to leave > Cambodia, they took with them between 4,500 (a conservative figure) and 8,000 > Cambodians (reportedly claimed by Vo Nguyen Giap in 1971), mostly young > children, to be raised, cultured and given political and military training in > Vietnam. These Cambodians with "Khmer bodies but Vietnamese heads" returned > to Cambodia after 1970 to fight Lon Nol, and to unsuccessfully wrest control > of the Communist Party of Kampuchea from Pol Pot. Some were arrested, others > purged. > > According to Khmer Rouge leader Pol Pot, the Marxist-Leninist Communist > Party of Kampuchea was born on Sept. 30, 1960, after the first party congress > of 21 people met for three days and three nights. Pol Pot asserted that a > Cambodian revolutionary movement that "truly belonged to our people" existed > prior to the Geneva Convention, but its dissolution after the 1954 agreement > was acknowledged because "people lacked a correct and enlightened guideline." > Pol Pot described 1968 as the year when armed struggle – civil war – began. > > Undoubtedly, Hanoi was aware that its publicly proclaimed "fraternal > brothers and sisters," the Khmer Rouge, were not so "fraternal" privately, > and it knew its relationship with the Khmer Rouge was unsatisfactory. But > Hanoi let the Khmer Rouge be while it looked to building its own Kampuchean > puppets. Hanoi was biding its time. And as it was fighting a war against the > Americans in Vietnam, Hanoi threw in its battle-tested troops to fight Lon > Nol's republican army, enemies of Prince Sihanouk who had allied himself with > Hanoi. It was Hanoi's troops that routed Lon Nol's army and put Pol Pot in > power in Phnom Penh. > > Neither Hanoi nor the world governments intervened to stop the genocide > that followed. However, when the Khmer Rouge's fierce independence of Hanoi > was more than the latter would tolerate, Hanoi concluded it was time to teach > its insolent comrades a lesson. On Nov. 3, 1978, Hanoi signed a 25-year peace > and cooperation treaty with Moscow. A month later, on Dec. 3, Hanoi Radio > announced the birth of the "Kampuchean National United Front of National > Salvation," led by a 14-member Central Committee under Heng Samrin, a former > commander of the Khmer Rouge's 4th Division. Hun Sen was a former chief of > staff and regimental deputy commander in Sector 21. By the end of the month, > Vietnamese troops would lead 18,000 KNUFNS soldiers across the border into > Cambodia. Phnom Penh was soon captured and a subservient regime installed. On > Feb. 18, 1979, master and puppet comrades signed a 25-year treaty of peace, > friendship and cooperation, a treaty that effectively integrated Cambodia > into a Greater Vietnam. > > “FRIENDSHIP” TREATY > > The 1979 friendship-cooperation treaty brings Hanoi's influence as far west > as the border with Thailand. The treaty binds Cambodia and Vietnam in what it > terms "militant solidarity and fraternal friendship." As people educated in > the culture of Confucianism, Vietnamese leaders' actions are generally > carefully thought-out and calculated to maximize Vietnam's interests. They > know what they want, what their national interests are, and they move > methodically to attain them. Unfortunately for Khmers and their country, King > Sihamoni, son of King Father Sihanouk, signed the supplements to the treaty, > giving Vietnamese full access to colonize and Vietnamize Cambodia. In the > stroke of a pen, the signatories extol a symbiosis of interests between > Cambodia and Vietnam. Retired Johns Hopkins professor Naranhkiri Tith > observes on his Web site that the 1979 treaty between Hanoi and its puppet in > Phnom Penh "became official in 2005" when Cambodia's King Sihamoni, "with the > support of his father Sihanouk," put his royal signature on "supplements" to > the treaty, thereby making Cambodians complicit in the Vietnamization of > Cambodia. > > In its preamble, the treaty cites the "closely interrelated" independence, > freedom, peace and security of Vietnam and Cambodia – what affects one > affects the other – and that both countries are "duty-bound to help each > other wholeheartedly and with all their might" safeguard and consolidate the > products of their "revolution." It cites both countries' "militant > solidarity" and "long-term and all-round cooperation and friendship" as > representing their "vital interests." > > In the treaty's first three articles, the Cambodians hand Ho Chi Minh the > goal of an Indochinese alliance he had dreamed about. > > In Article 1, the two countries pledge to "do all they can" to maintain > their "traditions of militant solidarity" and to develop "mutual trust and > assistance in all fields." > > In Article 2, they pledge to "wholeheartedly support and assist each other > in all domains and in all necessary forms," as well as to take "effective > measures to implement this commitment whenever one of them requires." > Cambodian leader Hun Sen can "require" Vietnamese intervention and he will be > assisted "in all domains and in all necessary forms," and vice versa. > > In Article 3, both countries pledge "mutual fraternal exchanges and > cooperation" and mutual assistance in the economic, cultural, educational, > public health, scientific, and technological fields, as well as the training > of cadres and the exchange of "specialists and experience in all fields of > national construction." This opens the door for Vietnam to operate in > Cambodia. For example, Vietnam has always been short of food, and Cambodia is > historically rich in fertile land and fish and natural resources. > Subsequent sections of the treaty further reinforce this dictate of > Cambodian-Vietnamese interdependence. > > Article 4 stipulates a border agreement based on the "present border line." > > Article 5 pledges a "long-standing tradition of militant solidarity and > fraternal friendship" to which both parties "attach great importance." > > Article 6 requires that the parties "frequently exchange views" on all > questions concerning both countries' relationships and on "international > matters of mutual interest." > > Articles 7, 8, 9, speak of the right and obligation of each party to any > bilateral and multilateral agreements. > > In 1962, Prince Sihanouk wrote: "Whether he is called Gia Long, Ho Chi > Minh, or Ngo Dinh Diem, no [Vietnamese] will sleep soundly until he succeeds > in pushing the Khmer toward annihilation, after having made them go through > the stage of slavery." Pol Pot and his French-trained Marxists handed > Cambodia to Vietnam. Then Heng Samrin and company agreed to a Vietnamized > Cambodia. Important stipulations in the Paris Peace Accords on Cambodia > signed in October 1991 were not implemented, allowing Vietnam's surrogate, > Hun Sen, to elbow his way into becoming a co-prime minister despite losing > the 1993 general elections. The co-premiership formula was devised by > Sihanouk to benefit Hen Sen at the expense of Sihanouk's own son, Ranariddh. > It gave Ranariddh, winner of the election, the title of 1st Prime Minister, > and the loser of the election, Hun Sen, the title of 2nd Prime Minister. > Dissatisfied with his subservient position in the dual premiership, Hun Sen > unleashed a coup d'etat in 1997 in which hundreds were killed and seized > power. > > MARCHING ONWARD > > The journey toward a greater Vietnam has not ended. What began in 939 when > Nam Viet freed itself from Chinese bondage has in 2010 put the Vietnamese at > Thailand's border and in a position to have an impact on Thailand's political > stability. Cambodians are being manipulated by Hun Sen to respond to Thailand > based on historical animosities not relevant to today's political realities. > It would be preferable if lessons could be taken from history so that it is > not repeated. > > The current Cambodian-Thai conflict has been inflamed by Hun Sen's > continuing provocations, intended to destabilize Thailand and provide > opportunities for Vietnam to influence events there. Hun Sen's success at > diverting his countrymen's attention from their own meager lots to the > possibility of a conflict with their historical adversary has had the side > benefit of increasing domestic support for his regime. The recently revealed > "classified" contingency plan by Thailand for military action against > Cambodia, should the Thai-Khmer dispute escalate, is seen by Professor > Naranhkiri Tith as "exactly what Hun Sen wanted." Logically, the Treaty of > Peace, Friendship and Cooperation between Hun Sen's Cambodia and Vietnam is > an important instrument for him to invite Hanoi's troops – the "liberators" > against Pol Pot – to help fight the Thais on Khmer soil, another repeat of > history. > > Hun Sen has successfully used governmental administrative machinery to keep > Cambodians intimidated and ignorant of their civil rights and the principles > of good governance. He dangles showy projects and physical improvements to > infrastructure, while many scavenge the city's dumps and live on rodent meat. > Of late, he has taken to publicly cursing the Thai leadership seemingly > daily. His call to protect Cambodia's Preah Vihear Temple from the Thais > brings many Cambodians to his side, though they are mute over Vietnamese > encroachment from the east. Those who dare speak out against Vietnamese > expansionism are silenced through intimidation or imprisonment. > * * * * * > > About the author: > Gaffar Peang-Meth of Russey-keo, Phnom Penh, holds a Ph.D. in political > science (comparative governments and politics, Southeast Asia) from the > University of Michigan in 1980, served in the Khmer People's National > Liberation Front at Banteay Ampil in 1980-1989, and taught at Johns Hopkins > in 1990 and at the University of Guam in 1991-2004. He is retired, and now > lives in the United States. He can be contacted at [email protected] > > -- > You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups > "Cambodia Discussion (CAMDISC) -www.cambodia.org" group. > This is an unmoderated forum. Please refrain from using foul language. > Thank you for your understanding. Peace among us and in Cambodia. > > To post to this group, send email to [email protected] > To unsubscribe from this group, send email to > [email protected] > For more options, visit this group athttp://groups.google.com/group/camdisc > Learn more -http://www.cambodia.org -- You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "Cambodia Discussion (CAMDISC) - www.cambodia.org" group. This is an unmoderated forum. Please refrain from using foul language. Thank you for your understanding. Peace among us and in Cambodia. To post to this group, send email to [email protected] To unsubscribe from this group, send email to [email protected] For more options, visit this group at http://groups.google.com/group/camdisc Learn more - http://www.cambodia.org
