C S A! C S A!

;-)

On Fri, Jul 20, 2012 at 6:59 AM, Larry C. Lyons <larrycly...@gmail.com> wrote:
>
> http://www.alternet.org/visions/156071/conservative_southern_values_revived%3A_how_a_brutal_strain_of_american_aristocrats_have_come_to_rule_america_?page=entire
>
> Conservative Southern Values Revived: How a Brutal Strain of American
> Aristocrats Have Come to Rule America
> By Sara Robinson, AlterNet
> Posted on June 28, 2012, Printed on July 20, 2012
> http://www.alternet.org/story/156071/conservative_southern_values_revived%3A_how_a_brutal_strain_of_american_aristocrats_have_come_to_rule_america
>
> It's been said that the rich are different than you and me. What most
> Americans don't know is that they're also quite different from each
> other, and that which faction is currently running the show ultimately
> makes a vast difference in the kind of country we are.
>
> Right now, a lot of our problems stem directly from the fact that the
> wrong sort has finally gotten the upper hand; a particularly brutal
> and anti-democratic strain of American aristocrat that the other
> elites have mostly managed to keep away from the levers of power since
> the Revolution. Worse: this bunch has set a very ugly tone that's
> corrupted how people with power and money behave in every corner of
> our culture. Here's what happened, and how it happened, and what it
> means for America now.
>
> North versus South: Two Definitions of Liberty
>
> Michael Lind first called out the existence of this conflict in his
> 2006 book, Made In Texas: George W. Bush and the Southern Takeover of
> American Politics. He argued that much of American history has been
> characterized by a struggle between two historical factions among the
> American elite -- and that the election of George W. Bush was a
> definitive sign that the wrong side was winning.
>
> For most of our history, American economics, culture and politics have
> been dominated by a New England-based Yankee aristocracy that was
> rooted in Puritan communitarian values, educated at the Ivies and
> marinated in an ethic of noblesse oblige (the conviction that those
> who possess wealth and power are morally bound to use it for the
> betterment of society). While they've done their share of damage to
> the notion of democracy in the name of profit (as all financial elites
> inevitably do), this group has, for the most part, tempered its
> predatory instincts with a code that valued mass education and human
> rights; held up public service as both a duty and an honor; and imbued
> them with the belief that once you made your nut, you had a moral duty
> to do something positive with it for the betterment of mankind. Your
> own legacy depended on this.
>
> Among the presidents, this strain gave us both Roosevelts, Woodrow
> Wilson, John F. Kennedy, and Poppy Bush -- nerdy, wonky intellectuals
> who, for all their faults, at least took the business of good
> government seriously. Among financial elites, Bill Gates and Warren
> Buffet still both partake strongly of this traditional view of wealth
> as power to be used for good. Even if we don't like their specific
> choices, the core impulse to improve the world is a good one -- and
> one that's been conspicuously absent in other aristocratic cultures.
>
> Which brings us to that other great historical American nobility --
> the plantation aristocracy of the lowland South, which has been
> notable throughout its 400-year history for its utter lack of civic
> interest, its hostility to the very ideas of democracy and human
> rights, its love of hierarchy, its fear of technology and progress,
> its reliance on brutality and violence to maintain “order,” and its
> outright celebration of inequality as an order divinely ordained by
> God.
>
> As described by Colin Woodard in American Nations: The Eleven Rival
> Regional Cultures of North America, the elites of the Deep South are
> descended mainly from the owners of sugar, rum and cotton plantations
> from Barbados -- the younger sons of the British nobility who'd farmed
> up the Caribbean islands, and then came ashore to the southern coasts
> seeking more land. Woodward described the culture they created in the
> crescent stretching from Charleston, SC around to New Orleans this
> way:
>
> It was a near-carbon copy of the West Indian slave state these
> Barbadians had left behind, a place notorious even then for its
> inhumanity....From the outset, Deep Southern culture was based on
> radical disparities in wealth and power, with a tiny elite commanding
> total obedience and enforcing it with state-sponsored terror. Its
> expansionist ambitions would put it on a collision course with its
> Yankee rivals, triggering military, social, and political conflicts
> that continue to plague the United States to this day.
>
> David Hackett Fischer, whose Albion's Seed: Four British Folkways In
> America informs both Lind's and Woodard's work, described just how
> deeply undemocratic the Southern aristocracy was, and still is. He
> documents how these elites have always feared and opposed universal
> literacy, public schools and libraries, and a free press. (Lind adds
> that they have historically been profoundly anti-technology as well,
> far preferring solutions that involve finding more serfs and throwing
> them at a problem whenever possible. Why buy a bulldozer when 150
> convicts on a chain gang can grade your road instead?) Unlike the
> Puritan elites, who wore their wealth modestly and dedicated
> themselves to the common good, Southern elites sank their money into
> ostentatious homes and clothing and the pursuit of pleasure --
> including lavish parties, games of fortune, predatory sexual
> conquests, and blood sports involving ritualized animal abuse
> spectacles.
>
> But perhaps the most destructive piece of the Southern elites'
> worldview is the extremely anti-democratic way it defined the very
> idea of liberty. In Yankee Puritan culture, both liberty and authority
> resided mostly with the community, and not so much with individuals.
> Communities had both the freedom and the duty to govern themselves as
> they wished (through town meetings and so on), to invest in their
> collective good, and to favor or punish individuals whose behavior
> enhanced or threatened the whole (historically, through community
> rewards such as elevation to positions of public authority and trust;
> or community punishments like shaming, shunning or banishing).
>
> Individuals were expected to balance their personal needs and desires
> against the greater good of the collective -- and, occasionally, to
> make sacrifices for the betterment of everyone. (This is why the
> Puritan wealthy tended to dutifully pay their taxes, tithe in their
> churches and donate generously to create hospitals, parks and
> universities.) In return, the community had a solemn and inescapable
> moral duty to care for its sick, educate its young and provide for its
> needy -- the kind of support that maximizes each person's liberty to
> live in dignity and achieve his or her potential. A Yankee community
> that failed to provide such support brought shame upon itself. To this
> day, our progressive politics are deeply informed by this Puritan view
> of ordered liberty.
>
> In the old South, on the other hand, the degree of liberty you enjoyed
> was a direct function of your God-given place in the social hierarchy.
> The higher your status, the more authority you had, and the more
> "liberty" you could exercise -- which meant, in practical terms, that
> you had the right to take more "liberties" with the lives, rights and
> property of other people. Like an English lord unfettered from the
> Magna Carta, nobody had the authority to tell a Southern gentleman
> what to do with resources under his control. In this model, that's
> what liberty is. If you don't have the freedom to rape, beat, torture,
> kill, enslave, or exploit your underlings (including your wife and
> children) with impunity -- or abuse the land, or enforce rules on
> others that you will never have to answer to yourself -- then you
> can't really call yourself a free man.
>
> When a Southern conservative talks about "losing his liberty," the
> loss of this absolute domination over the people and property under
> his control -- and, worse, the loss of status and the resulting risk
> of being held accountable for laws that he was once exempt from -- is
> what he's really talking about. In this view, freedom is a zero-sum
> game. Anything that gives more freedom and rights to lower-status
> people can't help but put serious limits on the freedom of the upper
> classes to use those people as they please. It cannot be any other
> way. So they find Yankee-style rights expansions absolutely
> intolerable, to the point where they're willing to fight and die to
> preserve their divine right to rule.
>
> Once we understand the two different definitions of "liberty" at work
> here, a lot of other things suddenly make much more sense. We can
> understand the traditional Southern antipathy to education, progress,
> public investment, unionization, equal opportunity, and civil rights.
> The fervent belief among these elites that they should completely
> escape any legal or social accountability for any harm they cause.
> Their obsessive attention to where they fall in the status
> hierarchies. And, most of all -- the unremitting and unapologetic
> brutality with which they've defended these "liberties" across the
> length of their history.
>
> When Southerners quote Patrick Henry -- "Give me liberty or give me
> death" -- what they're really demanding is the unquestioned,
> unrestrained right to turn their fellow citizens into supplicants and
> subjects. The Yankee elites have always known this -- and feared what
> would happen if that kind of aristocracy took control of the country.
> And that tension between these two very different views of what it
> means to be "elite" has inflected our history for over 400 years.
>
> The Battle Between the Elites
>
> Since shortly after the Revolution, the Yankee elites have worked hard
> to keep the upper hand on America's culture, economy and politics --
> and much of our success as a nation rests on their success at keeping
> plantation culture sequestered in the South, and its scions largely
> away from the levers of power. If we have to have an elite -- and
> there's never been a society as complex as ours that didn't have some
> kind of upper class maintaining social order -- we're far better off
> in the hands of one that's essentially meritocratic, civic-minded and
> generally believes that it will do better when everybody else does
> better, too.
>
> The Civil War was, at its core, a military battle between these two
> elites for the soul of the country. It pitted the more communalist,
> democratic and industrialized Northern vision of the American future
> against the hierarchical, aristocratic, agrarian Southern one. Though
> the Union won the war, the fundamental conflict at its root still
> hasn't been resolved to this day. (The current conservative culture
> war is the Civil War still being re-fought by other means.) After the
> war, the rise of Northern industrialists and the dominance of Northern
> universities and media ensured that subsequent generations of the
> American power elite continued to subscribe to the Northern worldview
> -- even when the individual leaders came from other parts of the
> country.
>
> Ironically, though: it was that old Yankee commitment to national
> betterment that ultimately gave the Southern aristocracy its big
> chance to break out and go national. According to Lind, it was easy
> for the Northeast to hold onto cultural, political and economic power
> as long as all the country's major banks, businesses, universities,
> and industries were headquartered there. But the New Deal -- and,
> especially, the post-war interstate highways, dams, power grids, and
> other infrastructure investments that gave rise to the Sun Belt --
> fatally loosened the Yankees' stranglehold on national power. The
> gleaming new cities of the South and West shifted the American
> population centers westward, unleashing new political and economic
> forces with real power to challenge the Yankee consensus. And because
> a vast number of these westward migrants came out of the South, the
> elites that rose along with these cities tended to hew to the old
> Southern code, and either tacitly or openly resist the moral
> imperatives of the Yankee canon. The soaring postwar fortunes of
> cities like Los Angeles, Las Vegas, Phoenix, Houston, Dallas, and
> Atlanta fed that ancient Barbadian slaveholder model of power with
> plenty of room and resources to launch a fresh and unexpected
> 20th-century revival.
>
> According to historian Darren Dochuk, the author of From Bible Belt to
> Sunbelt: Plain-Folk Religion, Grassroots Politics, and the Rise of
> Evangelical Conservatism, these post-war Southerners and Westerners
> drew their power from the new wealth provided by the defense, energy,
> real estate, and other economic booms in their regions. They also had
> a profound evangelical conviction, brought with them out of the South,
> that God wanted them to take America back from the Yankee liberals --
> a conviction that expressed itself simultaneously in both the
> formation of the vast post-war evangelical churches (which were major
> disseminators of Southern culture around the country); and in their
> takeover of the GOP, starting with Barry Goldwater's campaign in 1964
> and culminating with Ronald Reagan's election in 1980.
>
> They countered Yankee hegemony by building their own universities,
> grooming their own leaders and creating their own media. By the 1990s,
> they were staging the RINO hunts that drove the last Republican
> moderates (almost all of them Yankees, by either geography or cultural
> background) and the meritocratic order they represented to total
> extinction within the GOP. A decade later, the Tea Party became the
> voice of the unleashed id of the old Southern order, bringing it
> forward into the 21st century with its full measure of selfishness,
> racism, superstition, and brutality intact.
>
> Plantation America
>
> From its origins in the fever swamps of the lowland south, the
> worldview of the old Southern aristocracy can now be found nationwide.
> Buttressed by the arguments of Ayn Rand -- who updated the ancient
> slaveholder ethic for the modern age -- it has been exported to every
> corner of the culture, infected most of our other elite communities
> and killed off all but the very last vestiges of noblesse oblige.
>
> It's not an overstatement to say that we're now living in Plantation
> America. As Lind points out: to the horror of his Yankee father,
> George W. Bush proceeded to run the country exactly like Woodard's
> description of a Barbadian slavelord. And Barack Obama has done almost
> nothing to roll this victory back. We're now living in an America
> where rampant inequality is accepted, and even celebrated.
>
> Torture and extrajudicial killing have been reinstated, with no due
> process required.
>
> The wealthy and powerful are free to abuse employees, break laws,
> destroy the commons, and crash the economy -- without ever being held
> to account.
>
> The rich flaunt their ostentatious wealth without even the pretense of
> humility, modesty, generosity, or gratitude.
>
> The military -- always a Southern-dominated institution -- sucks down
> 60% of our federal discretionary spending, and is undergoing a rapid
> evangelical takeover as well.
>
> Our police are being given paramilitary training and powers that are
> completely out of line with their duty to serve and protect, but much
> more in keeping with a mission to subdue and suppress. Even liberal
> cities like Seattle are now home to the kind of local justice that
> used to be the hallmark of small-town Alabama sheriffs.
>
> Segregation is increasing everywhere. The rights of women and people
> of color are under assault. Violence against leaders who agitate for
> progressive change is up. Racist organizations are undergoing a
> renaissance nationwide.
>
> We are withdrawing government investments in public education,
> libraries, infrastructure, health care, and technological innovation
> -- in many areas, to the point where we are falling behind the
> standards that prevail in every other developed country.
>
> Elites who dare to argue for increased investment in the common good,
> and believe that we should lay the groundwork for a better future, are
> regarded as not just silly and soft-headed, but also inviting
> underclass revolt. The Yankees thought that government's job was to
> better the lot of the lower classes. The Southern aristocrats know
> that its real purpose is to deprive them of all possible means of
> rising up against their betters.
>
> The rich are different now because the elites who spent four centuries
> sucking the South dry and turning it into an economic and political
> backwater have now vanquished the more forward-thinking, democratic
> Northern elites. Their attitudes towards freedom, authority,
> community, government, and the social contract aren't just confined to
> the country clubs of the Gulf Coast; they can now be found on the
> ground from Hollywood and Silicon Valley to Wall Street. And because
> of that quiet coup, the entire US is now turning into the global
> equivalent of a Deep South state.
>
> As long as America runs according to the rules of Southern politics,
> economics and culture, we're no longer free citizens exercising our
> rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness as we've always
> understood them. Instead, we're being treated like serfs on Massa's
> plantation -- and increasingly, we're being granted our liberties only
> at Massa's pleasure. Welcome to Plantation America.
>
> Sara Robinson, MS, APF is a social futurist and the editor of
> AlterNet's Vision page. Follow her on Twitter, or subscribe to
> AlterNet's Vision newsletter for weekly updates.
>
> © 2012 Independent Media Institute. All rights reserved.
> View this story online at: http://www.alternet.org/story/1560
>
> 

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