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From: "Dana" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject: Jornada,Marcos: Believing Politicians Can Change a 'Misreading' of the 
Sixth Declaration,Jan 27
Date: Sun, 29 Jan 2006 08:48:03 +0100

Marcos: Believing Politicians Can Change is a "Misreading" of the Sixth
Declaration
In Tabasco, The Other Campaign Crosses Paths with the PRI's Presidential
Candidate


By Hermann Bellinghausen
La Jornada
January 27, 2006

Villahermosa, Tabasco, January 25: Subcomandante Marcos said tonight that it
is a "misreading" of the Sixth Declaration from the Lacandon Jungle to
believe that the political class can change. It is necessary to put an end
to capitalism, to "join forces" to struggle against it. He added that the
problem of social relations begins with economics, not politics, but that
not understanding this is a trap into which the cynical and "doubtful" Left
often falls.

This came at the end of a day in which Roberto Madrazo, leader of the
Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), arrived just 10 minutes after
Marcos to Viallhermoso, the capital of Madrazo's home state of Tabasco.
Those 10 minutes were enough for the city's PRI supporters to go wild with
applause at the entrance to Villahermosa when they saw the convoy with three
Federal Police cars leading it, thinking it was the PRI candidate. Cheers
erupted that were then quickly swallowed when they realized who they were
cheering for.

The arrival in "Eden," as the region is called, was the shortest caravan of
the Other Campaign so far, led by three or four cars in need of being washed
and the truck carrying "Delegate Zero," followed by another truck covered in
red stars and the initials of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation
(EZLN). And a few more cars. Quite a let-down for the crowd, which was
already playing drums and marimbas quite loudly.

And it was no small welcome that awaited Madrazo as he came out of the
airport. More than two kilometers of vehicles, one behind another, were out
to proclaim their support, and must have paralyzed half of Tabasco with
their absence: hundreds of taxis from all the state's cities, and lines and
lines of buses with their compartments empty. It was a demonstration of
automotive force for someone who really needs it.

Needing a "bath" in a friendly crowd after the beating he took yesterday
(the local press call it his "black Tuesday"), Roberto Modrazo headed today
towards his old backwater, where the old customs and fervors can still be
felt, such as the corporatism of the CTM (the PRI-controlled labor
federation), the National Confederation of Popular Organizations, and the
loyal followers of the oil workers' union, who guaranteed him rowdy streets
and full plazas.

"Roberto can," said a sign hung from every lamppost. "Roberto can." The
slogan had a certain element of prayer to it, or of an anesthetic.

Madrazo's trip caused a bit of collateral damage. For example, 44,000
students from 46 local public schools were unable to go to class, despite
the protests of many parents, as the teachers were ordered by their union to
receive the former governor with PRI banners and hats; many whipped out
their red shits. It's the PRI's new style. Though the "redshirts" have their
own history in Tabasco: that of the persecution and intolerance by caudillo
Toma's Garrido Canabal and his men, who shook Graham Greene so when he wrote
The Power and the Glory.

The "old politics," in its biggest and most desperate expression, crossed
paths, briefly, with "a new way of doing politics," represented by a few
dozen adherents in Villahermosa to the Sixth Declaration from the Lacandon
Jungle. And despite the abysmal numeric disproportion between the two
political tours that ran into each other here today, the media and dozens of
obvious spies from the three levels of government surrounded, from very
early in the day, the small art gallery where Subcomandante Marcos arrived
to meet with the "Sexta tabasque~a," Tabasco-based supporters of the Other
Campaign, bestowing on him an importance that supposedly he did not have.

The Mukul Ja gallery (the name means "hidden water" in the Mayan Chontal
language), located on a little street downtown, received Delagate Zero and
the people and organizations who are onboard with the Sixth Declaration. In
a small room at the back of the store, the participants from Villahermosa
and nearby towns held a long day of meetings. After running up nearly six
thousand kilometers touring the southeast, Subcomandante Marcos listened to
them and, as he often says, "took notes."

Members of the Independent Zapatista Agrarian Movement (MAIZ), the Committee
for Unionist Action and Orientation (CAOS), and the Rural, Indigenous and
Popular Unionist Front participated in the meeting, as well as cultural
groups like the "Waking Jaguar" writers' workshop and individuals who have
subscribed to the sixth Zapatista declaration (which some students
abbreviate as LSD, for the Spanish initials for la sexta declaracio'n, "the
sixth declaration").

The labor front brings together, among others, oil, telephone, and social
security workers, and although they are reduced in number, "they represent a
step forward in Tabasco, where the political culture was always decided by
the PRI, and later partly by the PRD, but it is now that we can finally see
other alternatives," said Alfredo, an oil worker for Pemex, the state
petroleum company.

A member of CAOS, a worker from the oil platforms, after denying that his
has been a "privileged" sector, said that the problem facing the oil sector
does not have only to do with money, but also with political poverty. "I don
't want to compare us to the situation that the indigenous live in, but we
of the so-called 'middle class' really are getting screwed."

Rafael, a member of the local committee of the Social Security workers'
union, said: "we are social fighters of the left and we are willing to
participate in the Other Campaign together with the labor front."

Another member of CAOS said: "we must expropriate Pemex for social ends.
Expropriate it again. We must reclaim what has been taking from us, both
materially and symbolically." As an example, he reminded those in the
meeting of how the EZLN "reclaimed" the national flag from the Salinas
government during the peace talks in the San Cristo'bal de las Casas
Cathedral, in 1994.

A central concern for the Tabasco adherents to the Sixth Declaration is the
creation of common space, in order to overcome isolation. As a young writer
said, "there's no place for us inside the system." For his part, Moise's, a
professional philosopher and teacher at the Indigenous University and member
of the so-called municipal universities, called for a "cultural and
ideological education that lifts up consciousness." Another young man,
Isaac, talked about how he became a sort of "black sheep" and was rejected
by his family and had to leave home. He is a lawyer, and worked until
recently at a firm but "they kicked me out because they could see I was
involved in this."

The meeting, which went on into the night, took place in a small room that
serves as a cafeteria in Mukul Ja, whose four walls are beautifully painted
with images of the plants, animals, and waters of a jungle. The people could
barely fit into what looked like a clearing in the forest. At the table,
Marcos and the event's coordinators sat in front of colorful plants that
reached up to the ceiling.

"We are few, but before there we were none," acknowledged another oil
worker. Marcos described the method o analysis that the Sixth Declaration
proposes: one that comes from below, to the left, and proposes a way to join
together. He also made clear that in June, when his national tour has ended,
"the national program of struggle will not yet exist; I will only say to
you: compa~eros of the Other Campaign, let me introduce you to the
compa~eros of the Other Campaign."

Moving on to another issue, residents of the town of Chacalapa (in the
municipality of Jalpa de Me'ndez) denounced the presence of Cisen (Mexico's
national intelligence agency) agents and an increase in military presence
just before Delegate Zero's arrival in the town. On Monday "people arrived
who said they were judicial police, who only wanted to make sure this was
the place. The compa~eros told them yes, but no more. The agents informed us
that they would be installing police surveillance."

What's more, on January 20 in the town of Francisco I. Madero - the possible
location for a meeting between Marcos and Chol people from Tabasco - the
people found a person taking photos and video of people and places, who
identified himself as a Cisen agent. In this and neighboring communities,
there is an increase in military presence," and the soldiers "have been
moving from one place to the next."

The Zapatista prisoners in the Tacotalpa municipal jail, where Marcos will
go tomorrow, sent a letter that was released today. In it, Angel Concepcio'n
Pe'rez Guirierrez and Francisco Pe'rez Va'squez write that they have spent
"nine years and six months of unjust imprisonment; our crime is to have
fought for the dignity and rights of my indigenous comrades."

They invite Marcos to come visit them: "in our case unjust laws were used to
convict us. The indigenous who search for the truth are a stone in the bad
government's shoe, which impedes its walking and doesn't let it govern, and
so the government looks for ways to kill, destroy, or imprison them. But it
is not easy to silence what we are. Bars will not keep us quiet. They will
not quiet the voices that should louder and louder, 'justice and liberty.'
Meanwhile, our families and our children suffer from injustice. They are
witnesses to our innocence."


Hermann Bellinghausen is a special correspondent for the Mexican daily La
Jornada, where this article appeared. Translation by The Other Journalism
with the Other Campaign.


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