No. 41/VIII/June 10-16, 2008 
Cover Story
 
Tragedy on Pancasila Day 



Police arrested leaders and members of the Islam Defenders Front (FPI) who 
assaulted the Freedom of Religion Alliance. Backers of the FPI prevented the 
government from taking a firm stance. 


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ON Monday last week, all the top government officials responsible for political 
and security affairs gathered for a meeting. Among them were Coordinating 
Minister for Political, Legal & Security Affairs, Widodo Adi Sutjipto, 
Indonesian Military Commander in Chief, General Djoko Santoso, National Police 
Chief, General Sutanto and State Intelligence Agency Chairman, Syamsir Siregar. 
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono had personally requested their attendance. 

Near sundown, the President arrived at the office of the Coordinating Minister 
for Political, Legal & Security Affairs. Yudhoyono once worked there when he 
himself was minister during the Abdurrahman Wahid and Megawati Sukarnoputri 
administrations-both times resigning from his position. "The President wants to 
make sure that all of his orders are carried out immediately," said Andi 
Mallarangeng, presidential spokesman, regarding the site of the meeting. 

The sheer brutality of the FPI Laskar was the main topic of discussion that 
night. The laskar, the military wing of the FPI, led by Rizieq Shihab, 
assaulted a group from the National Alliance for the Freedom of Religion and 
Faith (AKKBB), which had come out a day earlier at the grounds of the National 
Monument, to commemorate the anniversary of Pancasila, the state ideology. Over 
a dozen people ended up in hospital as a result of the attack by laskar 
members. 

The President had already strongly denounced the brutal acts on the afternoon 
before the meeting. He even called for the perpetrators to be processed 
according to the law. "Give the appropriate legal punishments," the head of 
state told reporters at the Presidential Palace. "The state should deal with 
this violence." 

After the President opened the meeting, General Sutanto made his presentation. 
He explained the chronology, movements of the demonstrators and attackers, 
marching permits and strength of security personnel. Then it was time for 
Justice & Human Rights Minister Andi Mattalata and Attorney General Hendarman 
Supandji to speak. 

According to Andi, the President then asked the police to ensure that no more 
violence takes place near historical sites or state monuments, including the 
Palace and the National Monument. He again ordered the National Police Chief to 
deal with the perpetrators who assaulted the AKK. 


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EARLY Wednesday morning, two days after the meeting on Merdeka Barat, hundreds 
of police officers arrived at the Jakarta Police Headquarters. By dawn, they 
were standing neatly in formation. Central Jakarta Police Chief, Senior 
Commissioner Heru Winarko, led the mustering of the officers. Their mission 
that morning: arrest suspects at FPI headquarters, located in the vicinity of 
Petamburan, Central Jakarta. 

Jakarta Police Chief, Inspector-General Adang Firman, issued the FPI an 
ultimatum to turn over the 10 people wanted by the police before the midnight 
deadline on Tuesday. Munarman, commander of the FPI's laskar, was on the wanted 
list. If the deadline passed without result, the police were prepared to move 
in. Members and sympathizers from the FPI responded by setting up barricades. 

According to one police officer who was involved, the Wednesday morning 
operation involved over 1,000 personnel, consisting of intelligence people, 
detectives, riot police, the Mobile Brigade and even the Traffic Police. 
Reserve forces were also put on standby, ready to move on orders from police 
headquarters. 

Idris Priyatna, head of Jakarta's Tanah Abang district, said that notice of the 
operation was given at midnight on Tuesday. He said that this was the first 
operation of this sort to be conducted in his area. Police were prepared for 
the worst, namely a clash with FPI supporters. Undercover detectives dressed as 
thugs wore orange ribbons on their left arms to make them identifiable. 

"Fifty of our men have been inside since last night, so that everything will go 
according to plan," said a senior police officer before the police arrived in 
large numbers. He used a digital camera to take pictures along Jalan Petamburan 
III, where the FPI headquarters is located. 

At 6:30am, riot police members advanced down the alleyways. Over a dozen youths 
in laskar uniforms were on guard, carrying bamboo sticks. Some of them clacked 
bamboo tubes, warning residents to be ready. Panic ensued. Apparently, word had 
gotten around that a mob from the Garda Bangsa, the security unit of the 
National Awakening Party (PKB), was to arrive. 

In the end, the morning's drama died down. Police had no trouble entering the 
FPI complex. Some of the group's activists were frisked, others were put on 
police trucks. Rizieq Shihab, 43, went along with them and was recently named a 
suspect for inciting violence and disorder, as well as hiding a suspect, laskar 
commander Munarman. 

Munarman, a former Chairman of the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation, was a star 
last week. The police listed him as a fugitive. They saw that during his 
disappearance he acted much like Al Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden. He sent a 
video statement and emails to the mass media from his hideout. 

On Saturday morning last week, a cellular phone text message began circulating 
that said Munarman had died in a rubber tree forest in Batujajar, West Java. 
Police denied that there was any truth to the message. To prevent Munarman from 
fleeing the country, the Directorate of Immigration at the Justice & Human 
Rights Department put him on the list of people banned from traveling abroad. 


l l l
THE assault on the FPI headquarters was the climax of a promise once made by 
the government. Two years ago, Yudhoyono promised to straighten out groups 
perpetrating violent acts in the name of religion. The President made that 
promise while receiving administrators of the Indonesian National Student 
Movement. The FPI and the Betawi Rempug Forum (BRF) were singled out. 

The President's warning was made during the feud between the FPI and former 
President Abdurrahman Wahid. This quarrel began during an inter-faith dialog in 
Purwakarta, West Java. Abdurrahman, who attended as a speaker, charged that a 
number of generals were backing Islamic organizations behind the 
Anti-Pornography and Porno-action Bill. FPI supporters were angered and forced 
Gus Dur, who is Chairman of the PKB Syura Council to leave. 

The BRF has been in the spotlight ever since they attacked members of the Urban 
Poor Consortium (UPC) in the courtyard of the National Human Rights Commission 
(Komnas HAM) in 2002. At that time, UPC members were asking Komnas HAM to 
pressure the Jakarta government to cancel the forcible eviction of the city's 
poor residents. 

BRF members are also often asked to help protect disputed land. Once in a 
while, they square off against officers conducting evictions. This happened 
when some land was being repossessed in the Billy & Moon housing complex in 
Pondok Kelapa, East Jakarta. About 100 members of the BRF and the Betawi Sons 
and Daughters Communication Forum faced off against 300 Public Peace and Order 
officers. 

The promise to keep such groups in line never happened. Each weekend, convoys 
of motorcycles could be spotted on Jakarta streets. The drivers were dressed in 
white outfits, rarely wore helmets, and carried flags raised high overhead. 
Although their numbers are starting to decline, they continue to raid 
nightclubs. 

These exploits have made the FPI popular. According to research done by the 
Indonesia Survey Institute (LSI) at the end of last year, the group's 
popularity increased from 37 percent in 2005 to 41 percent over the next two 
years. However, this popularity did not have any correlation with approval 
ratings. According to respondents chosen at random in the provinces, only 13 
percent agreed with FPI's "campaign" method. This percentage has remained 
stable over the years. 

According to a Tempo source, the government went easy on them because of 
certain powers behind the FPI or other groups. "They were Yudhoyono's 
colleagues, our colleagues, before he became President," said a retired officer 
who was active in the intelligence community in 1998. 

The retired officer said that support from people behind the scenes goes back a 
long way. Ten years ago, when the Armed Forces and the Police were hurting due 
to the downfall of the New Order regime, some high-ranking officers supported 
the formation of groups such as FPI as pressure groups. The source mentioned 
that these people included a colonel with the initials AD and an activist who 
was close with the B.J. Habibie administration. 

The same source said that the activist and a brigadier-general once met with 
Jakarta Police Chief, Major-General Nugroho Djajoesman to discuss "raising 
support" for the FPI in mid-1998. Nugroho denied this when he was asked to 
confirm about this. "That activist is indeed my friend," he said, "but I never 
spoke about the FPI. Now people are making all sorts of random accusations." 

On various occasions, Rizieq denied being close to a number of generals. He 
asked his accusers to prove their claims. "If there is no evidence, it means 
they are just talking trash," he once said. 

In fact, public pressure could be seen in the Pam Swakarsa group. Major-General 
Kivlan Zen, former Chief of Staff of the Army Strategic Reserve Command, said 
that he was asked by General Wiranto, who at that time was Commander of the 
Armed Forces, to gather a crowd of supporters to secure the Special Session of 
the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) in order to confirm Habibie. 

Kivlan, in his book, Conflict and Integration in the Indonesian Army, said he 
mobilized 30,000 people from November 6 to 13, 1998. As a reward, Wiranto 
promised him a new position. "That crowd helping with the security during the 
special session of the MPR raised the morale of the soldiers," he wrote in his 
book. However, following the book's publication in 2004, Wiranto refuted 
Kivlan's story. 

Yudhoyono seems to be trying to change the image that the government is unable 
to stand up to paramilitary groups. According to Andi Mallarangeng, Yudhoyono 
emphasized that the law must be enforced. The President said that violent acts 
committed by a single group disparage the country's good name. "Don't tarnish 
the reputation of the entire Indonesian people with deeds and acts of a small 
group," he said. 

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