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Is imam a terror recruiter or just an incendiary preacher?


Published Date: November 22, 2009 

CAIRO: The Yemeni-American imam who's been under renewed scrutiny after the 
deadly shootings at Fort Hood, Texas, preaches against alcohol, birthday 
parties, black magic and extramarital sex. He also supports armed struggle - 
jihad - against the US military in Afghanistan and Iraq, and has encouraged 
extremist insurgents in Pakistan and Somalia. None of that sets Anwar 
Al-Awlaki, 38, apart from other militant Sunni Muslim clerics and even many 
mainstream ones - in the Middle East. Al-Awlaki uses digital me
ans to spread his views, however, through a blog, lectures on YouTube and 
Facebook pages with more than 1,000 fans.

American-born and popular with young Westernized Muslims, al-Awlaki preaches 
mainly in English and drops pop-culture references, invoking Michael Jackson in 
a sermon on death or the parable of a marijuana-smoking Muslim who turned his 
life around. Al-Awlaki's teachings, however, also reportedly have inspired 
suspects in a number of high-profile international cases: two of the Sept 11 
hijackers, alleged militants accused of planning to blow up targets in Toronto, 
several Somali-American youths who died whil
e fighting in Mogadishu and, most recently, the Muslim Army major who's charged 
with killing 13 people in the Fort Hood rampage Nov 5.

In the past year, US investigators say, al-Awlaki corresponded several times 
with Maj Nidal Malik Hasan. The investigators deemed the exchanges benign, 
consistent with research Hasan was conducting on Muslims in the military. 
Al-Awlaki himself, purportedly speaking through an intermediary to The 
Washington Post, said last week that he'd answered only a couple of the dozen 
or so e-mails Hassan sent him.

Al-Awlaki was under FBI investigation after the Sept 11, 2001, attacks, but 
concerns surrounding him today appear to be based, at least publicly, more on 
his incendiary sermons than on solid evidence establishing a link to militant 
groups. Despite several brushes with terrorism suspects - allegedly by phone, 
email and in US mosques - Al-Awlaki hasn't been charged with a 
terrorism-related crime and the only time he's apparently spent in jail was in 
Yemen in connection with a tribal dispute, according to new
s and court accounts.

Middle Eastern analysts cautioned against treating Al-Awlaki as a senior 
terrorism suspect when so little is known about his links to violent extremist 
groups. Targeting him also could backfire and increase his popularity among 
young Muslims worldwide, the analysts warned. Fans already have set up Web 
pages supporting him, with comments sections full of anti-American rhetoric. 
"The American position is flexible and changes a lot. During most of his life, 
Yasser Arafat was considered a terrorist, but then h
e received the Nobel Peace Prize," said Fahmi Howeidy, a prominent Egyptian 
Islamist writer with a column in a Cairo newspaper.

It's the same with that guy, Al-Awlaki; they've created a demon out of him." An 
independent Yemeni political analyst, who spoke only on the condition of 
anonymity because of the sensitivity of the topic, said the suspicions about 
Al-Awlaki came from his hard-line beliefs, which were no different from those 
of other imams in the Middle East, where "praising jihad is prevalent in Saudi 
Arabia, Egypt and many Arab nations.

Coverage in the Western news media is "exaggerating and magnifying" the threat 
that Al-Awlaki poses, he said. "This imam is a product of the Salafist Wahhabi" 
or ultraconservative - "thought that managed to drive scores of youths to 
Afghanistan to fight the Soviet Union in the '70s, and which is still nestled 
in many parts of the Middle East," the analyst said. "The difference here is 
that he gave these sermons in the US, where it's unheard of, while in the Arab 
world it's the norm.

Al-Awlaki's militant message and wide audience made him a subject of interest 
for US intelligence agencies nearly a decade before the Fort Hood shootings. 
Back then, Al-Awlaki wasn't hard to find. He served as imam to 3,000 Muslims at 
a mosque in suburban Virginia, held an online chat on The Washington Post's Web 
site in which he answered questions about the Muslim holy month of Ramadan, and 
granted several news interviews.

In a report just after Sept 11, The New York Times held up Al-Awlaki as an 
example of a "new generation of Muslim leader capable of merging East and 
West." The FBI, however, was investigating Al-Awlaki's activities and 
connections. The cleric moved to Yemen in 2002, presumably to be out of reach 
of US authorities. It's unclear whether FBI agents turned up much of concern in 
their investigations of Al-Awlaki. Suspicions about him in government reports 
are padded with qualifying terms.

Two of the Sept 11 hijackers "reportedly respected Awlaki as a religious 
figure," the Sept 11 Commission concluded. Al-Awlaki's encounters with a 
suspect in San Diego "may not have been coincidental," wrote investigators for 
the congressional joint inquiry on Sept 11. FBI officials were quoted as saying 
that al-Awlaki was an important recruiter for Al-Qaeda and had been contacted 
by an associate of Osama bin Laden, though no evidence was provided and US 
authorities haven't charged Al-Awlaki with any crime.


He's a 9/11 loose end," Sept 11 Commission Executive Director Philip Zelikow 
told McClatchy Newspapers. Zelikow added that one of his frustrations with the 
Sept 11 investigation was its inability to determine what Al-Awlaki's 
relationship was to the hijackers who turned up at Al-Awlaki's mosques in San 
Diego and then again in Falls Church, Va. Commission investigators traveled to 
Yemen in 2004 but were unable to interview al-Awlaki, though precisely why was 
unclear.

US Rep Pete Hoekstra of Michigan, the ranking Republican on the House 
Intelligence Committee, told CBS last week that the government isn't giving 
Congress full details of the investigation into Al-Awlaki's connection to the 
Fort Hood shooting suspect. "The Yemeni cleric has been on our radar since 2001 
and 2002. We had evidence in 2002. Why didn't we prosecute him?" Hoekstra 
asked. "I want to know who al-Awlaki is talking to in the US," Hoekstra added.

In Yemen, al-Awlaki's activism again drew interest. He took a teaching position 
at a university led by a cleric who was put on the US terrorism watch list in 
2004. Yemeni authorities detained Al-Awlaki for a year and a half over his 
arbitration of a tribal dispute, but he said in interviews after he was 
released that the United States had orchestrated the arrest and that FBI agents 
had questioned him about the Sept 11 attacks and other topics while he was 
behind bars.

Gregory Johnsen, a Yemen expert and doctoral candidate at Princeton University, 
noted on his Yemen-focused blog Waq-Al-Waq that Al-Awlaki's name had showed up 
on a list of 100 prisoners whose release was sought by Al Qaeda-linked 
militants in Yemen. Johnsen also wrote that Al-Awlaki had praised Al-Qaeda on 
his website after a clash between militants and Yemeni security forces in July. 
Still, Johnsen played down Al-Awlaki's possible threat and described him as 
"more a product of the US than he is of Yemen.


In my opinion, he is not a major player within the Yemeni arena, but rather 
someone who uses his Yemeni background to bolster his credentials for 
non-Arabic-speaking Muslims, primarily in the US, Canada and Europe," Johnsen 
wrote in a Nov 9 posting. Al-Awlaki was released from the Yemeni jail in 2007. 
He went underground in recent weeks, with his blog disabled and Yemeni 
authorities looking for him, according to Yemeni news reports.- MCT

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