Sorry again for the late thread - I need more time to keep up with this list - its so 
prolific! (who knows when I'll get to the ninth circuit  recall posts )

A few points:

1) The Colonization Society was also heavily involved in the repatriation of slaves to 
Africa who had been forfeited  under the federal laws prohibiting the international 
slave trade.

        For example, they had a role in the Antelope case, and in the infamous Madrazo 
litigation,  a series of cases involving the disposition of slaves from a ship which 
had been seized as illegally importing slaves, and which ultimately raised 11th 
amendment issues.  The federal act had initially left to states the decision of how to 
dispose of slaves forfeited as illegally imported, and the Georgia statutes provided 
for their delivery to the American Colonization Society for disposition. The Georgia 
government's attempt to deliver the slaves (which had already been sold at auction) to 
the Colonization Society  triggered a lenghthy legal battle, and some initial 11th 
amendment precedent. Ultimately, when the federal anti-importation statute was amended 
in 1819, the American Colonization Society strongly (and successfully) lobbied for a 
provision requiring the repatriation of forfeited illegally imported slaves to Africa. 
  See, John J. Gibbons, The Eleventh Amendment and !
 State Sovereign Immunity: A Reinterpretation, 83 Colum. L. Rev. 1889, text at note 
393, et seq. ( 1983)(discussing Madrazo cases).


2) As to  Marshall manumitting his slaves, he only freed one in his will, his long 
time personal slave. However, some have argued that the conditions on manumission were 
such that it was very unlikely that the gentleman would have taken advantage of the 
generosity. See  Frances Howell Rudko,   Pause at the Rubicon, John Marshall and 
Emancipation, Reparations in the Early National Period  35 J. Marshall L. Rev. 75 
(2001). Marshall's will provided that the slave (who had been given to Marshall by his 
father 52 yeares earlier) would receive 100 dollars if he went to liberia  and $50 if 
he remained in the United States, and if it was "impracticable" for him to leave that 
he could reside with one of  Marshall's children (which I think Robin did - after all, 
how far are you going to get as a free elderly ex-slave on $50. (even in the 1830s))


3) As to Marshall's attitude generally towards manumission,  I think his main concern 
was not so much whether the manumission was governmental or nongovernmental, but 
whether the freed slaves would remain the United States. For example, as stated above. 
the American Colonization Society supported the governmental manumission of slaves 
forfeited in violation of antiimportation statutes, provided they were shipped back to 
africa. The Rudko article above notes, that Marshall was in support of federal funding 
for repatriation of slaves to Africa.

 In contrast, Marshall, when faced with the question,  (including, among others,  the 
mamie queen, and scott v. ben cases which Paul cites),   narrowly construed, indeed 
essentially eliminated, legal rights to manumission which American slaves did have  1) 
under state antiimportation statutes, essentially reading these statutes as 
unreasonably hypertechnical forfeitures of the slaveowners' property interests), and 
2) in the mamie queen case, interpreting federal hearsay law so narrowly as to exclude 
the only evidence (family oral history) that slaves generally had to prove the free 
status of their matrilineal ancestors. (slave status descended through the maternal 
line).

As a contrast to Marshall's parched interpretation of legal rights to manumission, see 
e.g., the Taney (yes Taney) court opinion of Rhodes v. Bell, 43 US 397 (1844) in which 
the Taney  court (opinion McLean)  unanimously freed a slave, holding that manumission 
provisions  in Virginia and Maryland antiimportation laws were applicable in the 
DIstrict of Columbia, narrowly construing an apparently contrary Congessional statute 
in the process.


yb



*********************************************
Professor Yvette M. Barksdale
Associate Professor of Law
The  John Marshall Law School
315 S. Plymouth Ct.
Chicago, IL 60604
(312) 427-2737
(email:)  [EMAIL PROTECTED]
*****************************************************


> ----------
> From:         Paul Finkelman[SMTP:[EMAIL PROTECTED]
> Reply To:     Discussion list for con law professors
> Sent:         Wednesday, September 10, 2003 6:30 PM
> To:   [EMAIL PROTECTED]
> Subject:           Re: "Non-Governmental Emancipation of Slaves" Say what?
>
> Most of the colonies prohibited manumission, so the default, non-action, was to not 
> allow private manumssion.  My 3rd responses -- allowing private manumission -- was 
> probably what Marshall thouight should happen.
>
> To your final question, the answer is probably no!  No, he did not advocate anything 
> beyond private acts of good will.  Louise's comment is correct that thousands of 
> masters in the South, between 1872 and 1861 free their own slaves, but these were 
> drops in the bucket and had no affect on the institution and little on the growth of 
> the slave population or the spread of slavery.
>
> Paul
>
> --
> Paul Finkelman
> Chapman Distinguished Professor of Law
> University of Tulsa College of Law
> 3120 East 4th Place
> Tulsa, OK   74104-3189
>
> 918-631-3706 (office)
> 918-631-2194 (fax)
>
> [EMAIL PROTECTED]
>
>
>
> Robert Justin Lipkin wrote:
>
>
>              I find Paul's explanation, as well as Keith's (and I'm sure I'm leaving 
> out others--for which I'm sorry) to be very helpful.  However, one problem (for me) 
> lingers.  If John Marshall believed slavery should be abolished but not by 
> governmental action, what did he mean by this and how did he think it would operate? 
> Paul's four repossess to slavery all seem to require government action of one kind 
> or another. Abolition, outright or gradual, allowing private manumission, or 
> prohibiting all in-state manumissions, all require law. If so, Marshall could not, 
> if he was committed to non-governmental emancipation, embrace any of these. 
> Moreover, what non-governmental emancipation is even conceivable?  More importantly, 
> at least for my present purposes, did Marshall (or others) advocate some 
> intelligible form of non-governmental action for freeing slaves, other than the good 
> will of slave owners?
>
>       Bobby Lipkin
>       Widener University School of Law
>       Delaware
>
>
>
>
>

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