-Caveat Lector-
I thought Jekyl Island was well written on this subject also.
----------
> From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
> To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
> Subject: [CTRL] The Federal Reserve System
> Date: Thursday, January 14, 1999 10:22 PM
>
> -Caveat Lector-
>
> from alt.conspiracy
> -----
> As always, Caveat Lector.
> Om
> K
> -----
> <A HREF="aol://5863:126/alt.conspiracy:478519">The Federal Reserve
System</A>
> -----
> Subject: The Federal Reserve System
> From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
> Date: Thu, Jan 14, 1999 1:20 PM
> Message-id: <77ln26$m6n$[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
>
>
>
>
> THE FEDERAL RESERVE SYSTEM:
>
> A FATAL PARASITE ON THE AMERICAN BODY POLITIC
>
> Dear Informed Reader,
>
> If you find yourself still somewhat mystified by the hidden nature of the
> fiat FRN and its incestuous relationship to taxation, the following
monograph
> by Dr. Edwin Vieira, Jr., considered by many to be the preeminent
authority
> on the subject, will enlighten you (presented herein in two parts - part
II
> to follow tomorrow).
>
> A list of additional, more detailed works by Dr. Vieira can be obtained
by
> writing to: The National Alliance for Constitutional Money, Inc. P.O. Box
> 3634, Manassas, VA 22110-0976
>
> THE FEDERAL RESERVE SYSTEM:
>
> A FATAL PARASITE ON THE AMERICAN BODY POLITIC
>
> �by Dr. Edwin Vieira, Jr.
>
> INTRODUCTION:
>
> �by Richard L Solyom, Chairman Sound Dollar Committee
>
> Dr. Edwin Vieira, Jr., has condensed into this Monograph the substance of
> addresses he has given to small groups that represent a cross-section of
> American citizens concerned with fundamental monetary and banking reform.
>
> Dr. Vieira's purpose is to present an analysis of the Federal Reserve
System,
> its fiat paper currency, and "fractional-reserve" banking that
infrequently,
> if ever, appears in the popular press, in the media, in the discourse of
> legislators or political candidates, or (worse yet) in the nation's
schools.
> This analysis, however, is crucial to popular understanding of what the
> Federal Reserve System is, what it does, and the dangers it poses to
> America's economy and republican institutions of government. And such an
> understanding is crucial to sweeping legislative or judicial reform of
the
> monetary and banking systems - hopefully, before the Federal Reserve
System
> causes an economic and social catastrophe; but, if not, at least after
such a
> catastrophe makes painfully clear to every thinking man and woman the
urgent
> necessity of such reform along Constitutional lines.
>
> Dr. Vieira's central theme is that today's scheme of
Federal-Reserve-System
> fiat currency and fractional-reserve banking is plainly unconstitutional,
> inherently fraudulent, economically unworkable in the long run, and
> subversive of America's political traditions of individual liberty and
> private property. This may appear, at first blush, a harsh indictment of
a
> system in existence since 1913, and which the vast majority of Americans
> apparently accepts (albeit on next to no real knowledge). But, harsh or
not,
> it is an indictment substantial political-economic theory and historical
> evidence support.
>
> Hopefully, Dr. Vieira's message will prove to be a warning that comes, if
> none too soon, at least not too late. [END OF INTRODUCTION]
>
> [START OF PART I - THE FEDERAL RESERVE SYSTEM:
>
> A FATAL PARASITE ON THE AMERICAN BODY POLITIC]
>
> "Although the press, the media, and major political figures never mention
it
> the major cause of the financial) dangers facing America today is the
> incestuous relationship between the national government and the
quasi-public,
> but largely private banking cartel deceptively called the Federal Reserve
> System (FRS). Although historians can state with little difficulty when
> various stages in the establishment and evolution of the FRS took place,
> understanding what the FRS has done to America's money, and how and why
the
> FRS has done it, is not quite so easy. Rather, it requires careful
attention
> to certain critical details of American monetary and banking theory and
> history that are usually forgotten in discussions of the problems the FRS
has
> caused.
>
> ANALYSIS
>
>
>
> I. Most contemporary debate on the FRS focuses on whether what people
call
> the "dollar" should, in some way, be "linked to" or "backed by" gold or
> another valuable commodity. The fundamental, unexamined, and utterly
> fallacious assumption in this debate is that the paper currency the FRS
> generates, the Federal Reserve Note (FRN), is, as a matter of fact and a
> matter of law, a "dollar" at all. As American constitutional law and
history
> show, the FRN is not a "dollar", has never been declared by Congress to
be a
> "dollar'; and could never be an actual "dollar" notwithstanding all the
> statutes or resolutions Congress might enact. Rather, as cited in the
> Constitution and as historically defined in the Coinage Act of 1792 a
> "dollar" is a specific coin containing 371-1/4 grains of fine silver.
Very
> simply put, the Constitution fixes the monetary unit of the United States
as
> this (silver) "dollar", empowers Congress to coin silver and gold coins
the
> values of which are to be "regulated" in relation to the "dollar",
prohibits
> any government from issuing what the Founding Fathers denominated "Bills
of
> Credit" (and what we today would understand as paper currency redeemable
in
> silver or gold), and outlaws any form of "legal tender" except silver and
> gold coins. Thus, from the constitutional perspective, it is literally
> senseless to talk about making the "dollar" redeemable, or adopting a
> "silver-" or "gold-backed" "dollar". And that such debate as occurs on
the
> FRS and the FRN fixes on this senseless point demonstrates how confused
the
> American people are concerning their own monetary system.
>
> II. Defining the "dollar" constitutionally, however, is only the first
step
> in explaining the real problem the FRS poses. Three other matters require
> careful consideration:
>
> First, the evolution of the FRS exemplifies the typical historical
devolution
> - or corruption - of monetary systems throughout the world in the last
two
> centuries from commodity money, to fiduciary money, to fiat money. Here,
> accurate definitions of various forms of money are useful.
>
> A commodity money is a medium of exchange the units of which are fixed
> amounts of an actual commodity that has value other than as money alone.
> Historically, silver and gold coins of known, standard weights and
designs
> have emerged as the preferred commodity monies of the entire civilized
world.
> In the case of a commodity money, the actual commodity - silver or gold -
is
> both the medium of exchange and the standard of value (that is, the unit
in
> which prices are stated in the marketplace). The supply of commodity
money is
> self-limited by the costs of mining, refining, and coining silver and
gold.
> New supplies of commodity money will be coined only to the extent that
> coinage is economically profitable in comparison to alternative
investments
> of the capital needed to mine the precious metals.
>
> A fiduciary money is a medium of exchange composed of some intrinsically
> valueless substance (such as paper) which the issuer promises to redeem
on
> demand in a commodity money (such as silver or gold coin) or in a
monetary
> commodity (such as silver or gold bullion). Historically, private bank
notes
> and government treasury notes were fiduciary monies in general
circulation
> prior to the 1930s. In the case of a fiduciary money, the paper promise
to
> pay is the medium of day-to-day exchange, but the actual money and the
> ultimate standard of value remains the promised medium of payment, the
silver
> or gold coin with which the note is to be redeemed. The supply of a
fiduciary
> money is also self limited by the requirement of redemption. In a free
market
> system, new supplies of a fiduciary money will be issued only to the
extent
> the issuer is confident it can satisfy demands for redemption of its
notes in
> a commodity money. The condition "in a free-market system" is crucial,
> because the self-limiting aspect of fiduciary money historically has
failed
> in an economic regime in which the government or powerful private
interests
> license the issuers of fiduciary monies to suspend or repudiate entirely
> their promises to redeem those monies on demand in coin.
>
> Finally, a fiat money is a medium of exchange composed of some
intrinsically
> valueless substance which the issuer does not promise to redeem in a
> commodity or a fiduciary money. Because a fiat money has no direct legal
> connection to a commodity money (in terms of redemption) and, therefore,
no
> real economic cost to its production, the supply of a fiat money can
never be
> self-limiting; and the value of a fiat money is always largely a matter
of
> public confidence in the economic or political stability of the issuer.
For
> these reasons, historically almost all fiat monies have self-destructed
in
> what is popularly called "hyperinflation" (that is, extreme decreases in
> purchasing-power) caused by either unlimited increases in the supply of
those
> fiat monies by the issuers or accelerating loss of public confidence in
the
> continued value of the monies or the economic or political fortunes of
their
> issuers, or both.
>
> Second, the theory and history of fiduciary money (which is also largely
the
> theory and history of banking) must always focus on the ever-present
problem
> of redemption. Emphasis on the noun "problem" is warranted, because a
> fiduciary money is, by definition, a promise today the real, commodity
money
> of the country. A piece of commodity money - typically, a silver or gold
coin
> - is itself payment because it contains a fixed weight of precious metal.
But
> a unit of fiduciary money - typically, a bank or government-treasury note
-
> is only a contingent and uncertain payment that depends upon the ability
or
> the willingness of the issuer to redeem. And there always exists a
temptation
> for issuers to renege on their promises to redeem. Thus, fiduciary money
> always threatens to become fraudulent money. Not surprisingly, therefore,
the
> history of fiduciary money has been more or less the history of monetary
> fraud, both economic and political.
>
> Third, the danger of fraud in the issuance of fiduciary money becomes
> particularly acute in the case of modern "fractional-reserve banking".
Under
> fractional-reserve banking, the bank always issues more units of
fiduciary
> money, supposedly "payable on demand", than it has units of commodity
money
> available for redemption, counting on the unlikelihood that the majority
of
> its customers will ever seek redemption at one time. Thus, modern
> fractional-reserve banking is inherently fraudulent, because:
>
>
>
> �For the bank simultaneously to fulfill all its promises to redeem its
> outstanding notes "on demand" is impossible. �The bank's managers know
that
> complete redemption "on demand" is impossible, and therefore that the
bank's
> promises to pay are false. And, �The bank's customers, by and large, are
> ignorant of how the fractional-reserve scheme works, and the dangers it
poses
> to them.
>
>
>
> III. Fully to comprehend the significance of the FRS also requires
> recognition that no such thing as "politically neutral" or "politically
> independent" money exists. For, ultimately, money is a medium both for
> storing wealth and for exchanging wealth. Thus, money is both itself a
form
> of property and a mechanism for implementing contracts that transfer
other
> kinds of property from one party to another. So, even in a free-market
> economy with a limited government, money exhibits a necessarily political
> character, inasmuch as the degree to which the government protects the
> monetary system from private fraud and public looting reflects the degree
to
> which the government respects and protects private property and the right
of
> private contract. A free-market economy will have one kind of money; a
> "mixed" or "fascist" economy, another kind of money; a "socialist"
economy,
> yet another kind; and so on - but in each case, the monetary system will
> accurately reflect the values of the political system.
>
>
>
> Thus once again, the contemporary debate over whether and to what degree
the
> FRS should be "politically independent" of Congress and the United States
> Treasury is badly misdirected. Originally, the Constitution made
Americans'
> money independent of electoral politics, by fixing the monetary unit as
the
> (silver) "dollar", outlawing "Bills of Credit", and allowing only silver
and
> gold coin to operate as "legal tender" in the payment of debts. But the
> Constitution is itself the basic political charter of the country - so,
far
> from making money "politically independent" or "politically neutral", the
> Constitution actually settled on one, very specific political formula for
> money: namely, a commodity money of historically proven intrinsic value,
the
> supply of which the political authorities could not manipulate at will.
>
> Creation of the FRS in 1913 did not render FRNs "politically independent"
or
> "politically neutral", but merely changed the political character of the
> monetary system by empowering a small, unelected clique of self-professed
> "experts" and self-interested bankers and politicians to control the
supply
> of FRNs, interest rates, and other monetary and banking phenomena. Thus,
as
> contrasted with the constitutional system, the FRS actually politicized
> money, by enabling politicians, administrators, and a few selected
> special-interest groups to exercise the very influence over this
country's
> monetary and banking systems that the Constitution had originally
disallowed.
>
>
>
> Americans tend to accept the description of the FRS as "politically
> independent" because, although control of the monetary and banking
systems
> has serious political significance, the apologists for the FRS have been
> successful, over the years, in removing monetary and banking issues from
the
> agenda of political panics and candidates and stifling public discussion
of
> those issues. Yet,
>
>
>
> �It is of vital political importance that no major political movement now
> advocates the immediate restoration of America's original constitutional
> monetary system of silver and gold coinage. �It is of vital political
> importance that no major political movement demands that all the paper
> currencies of private banks be true fiduciary monies - that is, be
redeemable
> in silver or gold, or some other commodity with intrinsic value. �It is
of
> vital political importance that no major political movement attacks - or
even
> questions - inherently fraudulent fractional-reserve banking. �It is of
vital
> political importance that no major political movement denounces the
> incestuous and corrupt relationship between the national government and
the
> banking industry through the FRS, the Federal Deposit Insurance
Corporation,
> and so on. �It is of vital political importance that no major political
> movement challenges the government's use of the monetary and banking
systems
> to "regulate" the economy and to impose pervasive police-state
surveillance
> on individuals. �It is of vital political significance that the
short-term
> economic effects of the FRS's monetary and banking policies - especially
in
> terms of redistribution of wealth through "inflation" - are more or less
of a
> mystery to the average American, and that even the long-term effects are
> difficult for economists and political scientists to predict. �It is of
vital
> political significance that members of Congress seem impotent even
> competently to investigate and expose, let alone to correct, the
misguided
> and harmful policies of the FRS. And, �It is of vital political
significance
> that the general public - to which public officials and all branches and
> agencies of the government are supposedly responsible - is unable to
impose
> accountability on the FRS as the "agency of government" it pretends to
be.
>
>
>
>
>
> Obviously, a group that could completely excise these matters from
political
> discourse in the United States, without effective (or, indeed, much of
any)
> complaint by a significant pan of the public, must be powerful indeed.
Now,
> how the apologists for the FRS have been successful since 1913 in
stifling
> political debate on money and banking the history books do not
satisfactorily
> explain. What is clear enough, nonetheless, is that the FRS was
established
> to remove the Constitution as the arbiter of national monetary policy on
> behalf of all Americans and to guarantee instead that certain
> special-interest groups are disproportionately (indeed, monopolistically)
> influential in the determination of that policy, for the peculiar benefit
of
> those groups and at everyone else's expense. Here, more than one level of
> analysis is pertinent.
>
> A. At the first level, the FRS appears as primarily a mechanism to
> "stabilize" the inherently fraudulent fractional-reserve banking system.
The
> purpose of the FRS is to impose structure, cooperation, and even
discipline
> on the banking community, so as to serve the collective interest of those
who
> benefit from the emission of irredeemable paper currency. Consider the
> devolution of the monetary system from a regime of commodity money to one
of
> fiat money:
>
> Under a regime of commodity money, the bankers employ the inherently
> fraudulent fractional-reserve system to expand the supply of fiduciary
money
> (that is, bank-notes and deposit-currency) beyond the supply of commodity
> money (that is, gold and silver coin) available for redemption. This has
two
> effects.
>
>
>
> 1. The bankers can loan more "money" than otherwise, thereby increasing
their
> profits.
>
> 2. The holders of the fiduciary money become unknowing (and presumably
> unwilling) "partners" with the bankers in these excessive loans, thereby
> spreading the risk of those loans throughout society and indirectly
> "insuring" the bankers at the expense of the general public.
>
>
>
>
>
> Because the expansion of the supply of this inherently fraudulent
fiduciary
> money is limited by the possibility of widespread demands for redemption
> (so-called "bank runs"), followed by bankruptcy of the issuing banks, the
> bankers as a class support a series of steps designed to insulate the
> fractional-reserve scheme from collapse.
>
> First, they use every available means of propaganda, agitation, and
> disinformation to instill unjustified confidence in the holders of
fiduciary
> money, so as to minimize redemption and thereby facilitate ever-greater
> expansion of the supply of that money. Underfunded "deposit-insurance"
> schemes (either private or public) typify this deceptive tactic.
>
> Second, if "bank runs" do occur, the bankers importune the government to
> authorize "suspensions of specie payments": temporary refusals on the
part of
> the issuers of the fiduciary money to redeem their notes with commodity
> money. This permits the bankers to remain in business even though they
are
> bankrupt. "Suspensions of specie payments" are a key indicator of the
> breakdown of the free-market economy, because they are a governmentally
> protected repudiation of contracts - in effect, governmentally licensed
> theft.
>
> Third, to prevent "bank runs" altogether, the bankers lobby for
>
> governmental permission to repudiate their fiduciary money totally and
>
> permanently - that is, to transform their fiduciary money into fiat
>
> money. This generally requires that the government activate some
>
> mechanism for the "forced circulation" of the fiat money, such as
>
>
>
> �by making that money the unit for payment of taxes and for public
> expenditures; �by declaring that money "legal tender" for all debts; or
�by
> outlawing contracts payable in any other form of money, especially
commodity
> money.
>
>
>
>
>
> These steps substitute the government - actually, the taxpayers - for the
> banks and their shareholders as the ultimate guarantors of the fiat
money, in
> return for which the banks agree to two requirements:
>
>
>
> 1. They "monetize" the public debt, in effect enabling the government to
use
> the fiat-money system as an instrument of taxation. And,
>
> 2. They cooperate in a cartel or other self-regulatory scheme to control
> their expansion of the supply of fiat currency within limits that
maintain
> public confidence in the banking system and the government.
>
>
>
>
>
> [END PART I]
>
> THE FEDERAL SYSTEM:
>
> A FATAL PARASITE ON THE AMERICAN BODY POLITIC
>
> PART II of II: Monograph No. 4 by Dr. Edwin Vieira, Jr.
>
> In short, the government and the banks agree to divide the amount that
can be
> looted from the general public by manipulation of the money supply, and
to
> moderate that looting so that the public never catches on or complains.
>
> The FRS is simply an elaborate device set up to accomplish these rather
> simple ends in a highly convoluted, and thereby deceptive, way. The FRS
was
> the response of bankers and their political cronies to decades of
failures in
> the fractional-reserve banking system at the local and regional levels
> throughout the United States.
>
> The FRS was an attempt to maintain that system in perpetuity - first, at
the
> national level with the Federal Reserve Act in 1913, and then at the
> international level with the Bretton Woods Agreement in 1944. "Was" is
the
> appropriate verb, because the Bretton Woods Agreement collapsed in 1971,
with
> President Nixon's repudiation of redemption of FRNs in gold
internationally;
> and mounting strains in the system have been appearing domestically since
the
> 1970s.
>
> The key dates in the devolution of the FRS are as follows:
>
> 1913 - Congress creates the Fits; permits the emission of FRNs,
redeemable in
> "lawful money"; and declares FRNs to be "obligations of the United
States",
> but not "legal tender". In practice, the Federal Reserve Banks and the
United
> States Treasury redeem FRNs for gold coin on demand. FRNs are a fiduciary
> currency.
>
> 1933 - Congress repudiates redemption of FRNs in gold for United States
> citizens, and declares that FRNs shall be "legal tender". The government
> continues to redeem FRNs in gold for foreigners; and United States
citizens
> can redeem FRNs for "lawful money" (such as United States Treasury Notes
and
> silver certificates), which is redeemable in silver coins. Therefore,
FRNs
> remain a fiduciary currency, redeemable directly in gold internationally
and
> indirectly in silver domestically.
>
> 1968 - Congress repudiates redemption of all forms of "lawful money" in
> silver, thus turning FRNs into a fiat currency domestically for the first
> time.
>
> 1971 - President Nixon repudiates redemption of FRNs in gold, thus
turning
> FRNs into a fiat currency internationally for the first time.
>
> So, today, Americans suffer under a regime of fiat money and unlimited
> fractional-reserve banking. In this system, the FRS plays a very simple,
but
> vital role: When public confidence in the monetary and banking systems
> weakens, the FRS acts to "restore confidence". The FRS may use what the
> public considers "drastic means" in this alleged "fight", but never means
so
> drastic that they precipitate genuine economic collapse or seriously
endanger
> the long-term interests of the banking cartel, its satellite industries,
and
> its political cronies.
>
> The unavoidable problem, of course, is that any system of
fractional-reserve
> banking suffers from inherent instability that increases over time,
because
> at base fractional-reserve banking is a kind of "Ponzi" or "pyramid"
scheme.
> For that reason, fractional-reserve banking is a "confidence game" in
both
> senses of that term. The FRS, the banking cartel, and the politicians of
the
> American one-party system operate on the theory that "You can fool all of
the
> people some of the time, and some of the people all of the time - and
that's
> good enough!" But they forget that, as Lincoln concluded, "You can't fool
all
> of the people all of the time." Over time, some people - often large
numbers
> of them - do learn. And people who have learned tend to act on their
> knowledge. So the remaining lifetime of the FRS "confidence game" may,
and
> likely will, be relatively short.
>
> B. On a higher level of analysis, the FRS is not simply a
control-mechanism
> for the national banking cartel, but also one of the most important
> mechanisms in a pervasive system of fascistic "economic regulation" that
has
> been set up in this country, slowly but surely, since the turn of the
> century. This explains the "political independence" of the FRS in a way
more
> logical than the idea that money and banking are no longer politically
> important, divisive, or even interesting subjects. If a fascistic state
is to
> "regulate" the economy with relative autonomy from the electoral public
and
> most special-interest groups, then its monetary agency must claim
"political
> independence". (Actually, in a fascistic state, all of the regulatory
> agencies must claim "political independence" to some degree - which
claim,
> not surprisingly, is advanced by essentially every administrative agency
of
> the national government today. But the degree of "political independence"
> will vary with the importance of the agency to the overall scheme of
> centralized regulation of society.) Thus, the "political independence"
the
> FRS claims is precisely expectable were it part of an and-democratic
> mechanism of economic and political control. And that no constitutional
> branch of the national government - floe the Congress, not the President,
and
> not the Judiciary - disputes the FRS's supposed "independence" proves
that
> those branches, too, have been co-opted as agencies of the fascistic
state.
>
> In sum, contemporary political money and the politicized banking system
that
> generates it have five major consequences:
>
> 1. First, modern political money is the prime means by which the
government
> operates a scheme of OPPRESSIVE, HIDDEN TAXATION through increases in the
> supply of money that generate systematic increases in the prices of goods
and
> services (what the public calls "inflation").
>
> 2. Second, by operating as a system of hidden taxation, modern political
> money licenses the dominant financial and political oligarchy of this
country
> to "REDISTRIBUTE" THE NATION'S WEALTH from one group to another - more
than
> $6 trillion since World War II, according to the American Institute for
> Economic Research.
>
> 3. Third, by functioning as a mechanism for "redistributing" wealth,
modern
> political money SYSTEMATICALLY CORRUPTS THE ELECTORAL PROCESS, enabling
> politicians to buy votes with promises of new or expanded governmental
> spending-programs made possible only by the banking system's ability to
> "monetize" the public debt.
>
> 4. Fourth, by linking the banking system to the public debt, modern
political
> money licenses the banks to LOOT THE PUBLIC TREASURY, initially by
> guaranteeing FRNs as "obligations of the United States" and specially
> privileging those notes as "legal tender", and ultimately by providing
> taxpayer-funded "bail outs" of the bankers when the scheme of inherently
> fraudulent fractional-reserve banking collapses.
>
> 5. Fifth and last, modern political money and political banking function
as
> key mechanisms in the scheme of FASCISTIC CENTRAL ECONOMIC PLANNING that
> misdirects and wastes resources and thereby lowers the standard of living
of
> the vast mass of Americans for the benefit of a privileged few.
>
> IV. Although long a powerful - and today still a politically untouchable
-
> institution, the FRS faces a dismal future. This can be assessed by
> considering the contemporary political-economic conditions that have
given
> rise to the problem of colla
>
> I believe in paying all taxes for which the written law makes me liable.
> I do not protest any tax; therefore, I am not a tax protester. I protest
> the misapplication of the tax laws by the IRS and the courts.
>
> -----------== Posted via Deja News, The Discussion Network ==----------
> http://www.dejanews.com/ Search, Read, Discuss, or Start Your Own
>
>
> -----
> Aloha, He'Ping,
> Om, Shalom, Salaam.
> Em Hotep, Peace Be,
> Omnia Bona Bonis,
> All My Relations.
> Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
> Amen.
> Roads End
> Kris
>
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CTRL is a discussion and informational exchange list. Proselyzting propagandic
screeds are not allowed. Substance�not soapboxing! These are sordid matters
and 'conspiracy theory', with its many half-truths, misdirections and outright
frauds is used politically by different groups with major and minor effects
spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought. That being said, CTRL
gives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and always suggests to readers;
be wary of what you read. CTRL gives no credeence to Holocaust denial and
nazi's need not apply.
Let us please be civil and as always, Caveat Lector.
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Om
