-Caveat Lector-

an excerpt from:
The Founding Fortunes
Michael Patrick Allen�1987
All rights reserved.
E. P Dutton
ISBN 0-525-48484-1
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An excellant and interesting book.
Om
K
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Three Dynasties in Transition

Fame and fortune may be transitory phenomena, but for some families,
especially the richest of the corporate rich, wealth and the fame that is
often attached to it have a more enduring quality. For the past half century
or more, three families have loomed larger than all the rest among the
corporate rich in America. They are, of course, the Rockefellers, du Ponts,
and Mellons. All three were, without any doubt, among the wealthiest families
in America during the 1930s. Despite a precipitous decline in the stock
market, which deflated their fortunes, they did not share the privations
experienced by millions of families during the Great Depression. According to
one official government estimate, the Rockefellers, du Ponts, and Mellons were
worth altogether over $1.2 billion in 1937. This estimate was based solely on
the value of their principal stockholdings in major corporations and did not
include the value of other stocks, bonds, bank accounts, real estate, and
personal property owned by family members. These families have been almost
forgotten in recent years. Only those family members with political ambitions,
like John D. Rockefeller IV and Pierre S. du Pont IV, have attracted much
public attention. Although they have gained a measure of obscurity in recent
years, neither the families nor their fortunes have disappeared. In point of
fact, they are still extremely wealthy. Precise figures are not available, but
these three families are almost certainly worth together over $15 billion
today. In short, it appears that these three families have succeeded in
gaining an almost permanent niche among the corporate rich in America.

It is precisely the continuity of families like the Rockefellers, du Ponts,
and Mellons and their fortunes over successive generations that makes them the
closest equivalents to dynasties that America is ever likely to produce. Like
all dynasties before them, these families have possessed great wealth and have
occasionally exercised the often enormous power inherent in such wealth.
Because of their prominence in American society, each of these dynasties has
been the subject of more than one history. Although these family histories
provide intriguing glimpses into the lives of the-corporate rich in America,
they usually fail to provide much detailed information about their wealth and
the manner in which that wealth has been transmitted from one generation to
the next. In particular, these accounts only rarely mention any of the
strategies that family members have adopted to avoid taxation and to. retain a
measure of control over family -companies. Like all families, these three
corporate rich families have become larger and less cohesive as kinship groups
over time. Consequently, the wealth held by them has been redistributed among
a larger number of family members with each passing generation. In order to
cope with these common problems, corporate rich families have often resorted
to very similar strategies for perpetuating their fortunes. It is only by
observing the historical evolution of a number of wealthy capitalist families
that it is possible to understand the problems they have faced and the
efficacy of the various strategies they have employed to resolve them. These
problems are nowhere more difficult and the adaptive strategies more elaborate
than among the Rockefellers, du Ponts, and Mellons.

THE ROCKEFELLER FAMILY

No other family in recent American history has engendered as much public
adulation or provoked as much public condemnation as the Rockefellers. The
mere mention of their name conjures up images of power and wealth on a
colossal scale. The man who accumulated this fortune was, of course, John D.
Rockefeller. In the last years of his life, he was portrayed in the press as a
wizened old miser who amused himself in the midst of the Great Depression by
doling out dimes to children. In his heyday, however, J. D. Rockefeller was
the epitome of the shrewd and utterly ruthless "robber baron." Although he is
now celebrated as a great philanthropist for his endowment of the Rockefeller
Foundation and a number of smaller charities, his most notable achievement was
certainly the creation of the formidable Standard Oil Trust. He and his
partners succeeded in creating the largest monopoly in the country by using a
series of predatory business tactics to destroy their competitors. At the
height of its power around 1900, the Standard Oil Trust controlled over 80
percent of the oil refining capacity in the United States. J. D. Rockefeller
alone had a 24 percent interest in this trust. After several years of
litigation, the Supreme Court finally called for the dissolution of the
Standard Oil Trust in 1911. As a result of this decree, the participants in
the trust received their proportionate share of the stock in the various
Standard Oil Companies held by the trust. Consequently, J. D. Rockefeller soon
became the largest single stockholder in a half dozen of the largest oil
companies in America. By 1913, his stockholdings in these oil companies were
reportedly worth $900 million.

For all this, John D. Rockefeller was surprisingly poor when he died in 1937.
The man who had once been proclaimed the richest man in the world left an
estate of only $26 million. Of this, $16 million went to state and federal
taxes. The man who had built the mighty Standard Oil Trust died with only one
share of common stock in any Standard Oil company, a certificate for the first
share issued by the predecessor Chevron Corporation. In order to account for
this state of comparative poverty, a family spokesman explained that J. D.
Rockefeller had given $530 million to charity during his lifetime. The bulk of
this went, of course, to family philanthropies such as the Rockefeller
Foundation and the Rockefeller Institute. If there was any public concern
about the financial security of the Rockefeller family, it was laid to rest
three years later with the publication of a report issued by the Temporary
National Economic Committee appointed by President Roosevelt. In this study of
the concentration of stock ownership among the two hundred largest
nonfinancial corporations in America, it was disclosed that the Rockefellers
held stock worth $274 million in six oil companies, including the predecessors
of such giant corporations as Exxon, Mobil, Amoco, and Chevron. Moreover, this
was only a partial estimate of their wealth, as it did not include any of
their stockholdings in other companies or their holdings of bonds and real
estate.

This report also disclosed that the members of the Rockefeller family did not
share equally in the Rockefeller fortune. Of the $274 million in oil stocks
held by the descendants of John D. Rockefeller, almost $250 million was held
by his only son, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., and his children. The three
daughters of J. D. Rockefeller, Sr., got much less. Two of his daughters, Alta
Rockefeller Prentice and Edith Rockefeller McCormick, were the income
beneficiaries of trusts that held oil stocks worth a relatively modest $24
million in 1939. The children of his third daughter, Bessie Rockefeller
Strong, who had died several years earlier, received $9 million in cash and
bonds from his estate in the form of a trust. Perhaps because he wished to
keep the bulk of his fortune in one piece, J. D. Rockefeller, Sr., decided to
,give almost all of his enormous wealth to his son. He apparently felt that
his son was the only one adequately prepared for the task of managing such a
fortune. After all, J. D. Rockefeller, Jr., had worked for his father ever
since his graduation from Brown University. Beginning in 1917, J. D.
Rockefeller, Sr., began transferring large amounts of stock and cash to his
son. Within five years, he had given him securities then worth roughly $400
million. Because there were no federal gift taxes at the time, the Rockefeller
fortune was transferred from one generation to the next virtually intact.
Although he soon became the largest stockholder in the various Standard Oil
companies, J. D. Rockefeller, Jr., never served as an officer or director of
any of them. He was content to let others run the companies for him while he
devoted himself to managing the massive Rockefeller fortune and overseeing the
various Rockefeller philanthropies.

One of the most important decisions that J. D. Rockefeller, Jr., made as the
head of the family was to diversify the Rockefeller fortune. This decision may
have been motivated in large part by a desire to remove from the family the
stigma associated with the Standard Oil Trust. Although the Rockefellers
attempted to dissociate themselves from the former Standard Oil companies,
they remained major stockholders in them for many years following the
dissolution decree. The full extent of their control over these companies was
revealed in 1928, after the president of Amoco was charged with perjury by a
Senate committee. When he refused to resign, J. D. Rockefeller, Jr., initiated
a proxy contest in order to assert his control over the company. Even though
he won the contest easily, the bitter struggle for control brought the family
more unwanted publicity. In the years following the death of his father, J. D.
Rockefeller, Jr., quietly began selling much of his stock in the Standard Oil
companies and reinvesting the proceeds in a diversified portfolio of stocks
and bonds. He also directed some of the Rockefeller fortune into real estate.
In the midst of the Great Depression, he invested $125 million in the
construction of Rockefeller Center, a giant complex of fourteen office
buildings constructed on three city blocks in the middle of Manhattan.
Although he borrowed $45 million to finance part of the construction, J. D.
Rockefeller, Jr., was able to raise the rest of the funds simply by selling
some of his oil stocks.

John D. Rockefeller, Jr., and his wife raised their six children in an
atmosphere of almost puritanical morality. Despite the fact that they were
constantly surrounded by a small army of servants, governesses, and
bodyguards, J. D. Rockefeller, Jr., insisted that his children learn a sense
of responsibility, particularly in matters of money. Consequently, he required
all of them to keep an account book of their weekly allowance and
expenditures, just as he had done as a child. He also kept their allowances
low so that they were forced to perform menial chores in order to earn extra
money. Despite this enforced frugality, the children were inevitably raised in
an environment of quiet but uncompromising luxury. Home was a huge nine story
town house in New York City, not far from Central Park, but weekends were
often spent at Pocantico, the lavish 3,500-acre estate in the Hudson River
Valley built by their grandfather. The estate had its own golf course,
stables, riding paths, swimming pool, and squash court. Part of every summer
was spent at the large mansion their father built at Seal Harbor, Maine. There
they often played with children from other prominent and wealthy families,
including the children of Edsel Ford. All of the children were sent to
exclusive private schools, and the five boys eventually attended elite private
universities. Even after they reached maturity and went their own ways, the
children of J. D. Rockefeller, Jr., maintained a degree of family unity. Four
of his sons eventually built separate homes on the sprawling grounds of the
Pocantico estate, where they took turns visiting their father for Sunday
dinner.

While the family was gaining national recognition for its charitable
contributions, J. D. Rockefeller, Jr., was busy safeguarding the rest of the
family fortune from the threat of gift and estate taxes. He was particularly
quick to react to the progressive "wealth tax" proposed by President Roosevelt
in 1934. In December of that year, only a few days before the imposition of
the new gift taxes, he established massive trusts, each worth approximately
$20 million, for his wife and six children. These trusts, which consisted
initially of stock in the various

Standard Oil companies, were typical generation-skipping trusts. His wife and
children were to receive the income from these trusts during their lifetimes,
but the assets held by these trusts were preserved for his grandchildren.
According to the terms of the trusts, they are not to be dissolved until the
death of the last of the four grandchildren of J. D. Rockefeller, Jr., who
were alive at the time of their creation in 1934. Only then will the trusts be
dissolved and their assets distributed, without any gift or estate taxes,
among the grandchildren of J. D. Rockefeller, Jr., or their survivors. In
1952, J. D. Rockefeller, Jr., created another series of smaller trusts to
provide his grandchildren with independent incomes while their parents were
still alive. The resulting legal labyrinth of overlapping trusts was a
masterpiece of tax avoidance. When he died in 1960, J. D. Rockefeller, Jr.,
left an estate of $160 million, which was split between the Rockefeller
Brothers Fund and his second wife. In this way, there were virtually no estate
taxes levied against his estate.

Of the six children of J. D. Rockefeller, Jr., the best known was Nelson
Rockefeller. He was, without any doubt, the most sociable and energetic of the
five brothers. Despite the fact that he suffered from a reading disorder, he
graduated with honors from Dartmouth. Soon after his graduation, Nelson went
to work for his father at the newly constructed Rockefeller Center. He later
served as assistant secretary of state under President Roosevelt and under
secretary of Health, Education and Welfare under President Eisenhower. In
1958, Nelson was elected to the first of his four terms as governor of New
York. He never hesitated to use family money to finance his political
campaigns. Between 195 8 and 1970, Nelson contributed just over $1 million to
his own gubernatorial and presidential campaigns. In a convincing display of
family solidarity, his parents, brothers, and sister contributed another $14
million to these same campaigns. When he was later asked about these family
contributions to his various campaigns, he lamented that "it is very difficult
for a Rockefeller to raise any money for a campaign." Finally in 1974, after
four unsuccessful attempts to become the presidential nominee of the
Republican party, Nelson Rockefeller was nominated vice president of the
United States by President Ford, who had been nominated to the same office by
President Nixon.

Only two of the brothers demonstrated any interest in business. One of them,
of course, was David Rockefeller, the youngest of the five brothers. After his
graduation from Harvard, David spent two years at the London School of
Economics before going on to the University of Chicago for his Ph.D. in
economics. He later joined Chase Manhattan Bank as an assistant manager, but
was soon promoted to the rank of vice president. Within nine short years, he
was vice chairman, a post he held for five years, until he was appointed
president of the bank. His rapid advancement was assisted, no doubt, by the
fact that the Rockefeller family was a major stockholder in the bank. As
chairman of one of the largest banks in the world, David Rockefeller became an
important figure in the arena of international finance. In recent years, David
has augmented his fortune by investing in several large real estate
developments, including L'Enfant Plaza in Washington, D.C., and Embarcadero
Center in San Francisco. The other brother to enter business was Laurence
Rockefeller. Within a few years of his graduation from Princeton, Laurence
bought a seat on the New York Stock Exchange and declared himself a "venture
capitalist." He was fascinated by aviation and became one of the original
investors in both Eastern Airlines and the forerunner of McDonnell Douglas. By
1975, he had made a total of $48 million from his investments in seventy new
companies. Laurence also managed to combine his abilities as a businessman
with his interest in conservation. The result was Rockresorts, a chain of
exclusive resort hotels with developments bordering on national parks in such
locales as Hawaii and the Virgin Islands.

The eldest brother, John D. Rockefeller III, avoided both business and
politics. After his graduation from Princeton, he became involved with several
family philanthropies, including the Rockefeller Foundation. Over the years,
he developed a genuine interest in a series of charitable causes. He was
instrumental in the formation of several civic organizations, including the
Population Council, but his most ambitious project was the construction of
Lincoln Center. As its first chairman, J. D. Rockefeller III gave $10 million
of his own money to the project and convinced other family members and
foundations to donate another $34 million. The only rebel among the brothers
was Winthrop Rockefeller. He dropped out of Yale after his freshman year and
went to work as a roughneck in the Texas oil fields. In the years that
followed, Winthrop earned a reputation as a playboy. He also developed a
serious drinking problem. His estrangement from the rest of the family was
further exacerbated after he married and quickly divorced a young actress. To
establish his own identity, he moved to Arkansas, where he built Winrock
Farms, a 31,400-acre farming and ranching operation. Thirteen years later he
became the first Republican governor of the state since Reconstruction. Almost
forgotten among the five famous Rockefeller brothers was their older sister,
Abby Rockefeller Mauze. She led an extremely private life interrupted only by
the publicity of two divorces. Nevertheless, she participated in most of the
financial and philanthropic ventures initiated by her brothers.

It is ironic that, as a direct result of their political power, the financial
affairs of the Rockefellers are more public than those of any other corporate
rich family in America. In his confirmation hearings for vice president,
Nelson Rockefeller and his financial advisers were forced to provide the House
Judiciary Committee with a detailed, albeit conservative, accounting of the
Rockefeller fortune. To begin with, Nelson disclosed that he and his wife had
a net worth of $62 million, about half of that in art. In addition, Nelson was
the sole income beneficiary of two trusts worth a total of $116 million, even
in the depressed stock market of 1974. Moreover, his wife and six children
held securities and were the beneficiaries of still other trusts holding
securities worth another $39 million. In all, Nelson and his branch of the
Rockefeller family were worth at least $218 million. Later in the confirmation
hearings, a representative of Rockefeller Family and Associates, the family
investment office, provided the committee with a summary of the stockholdings
of the entire Rockefeller family. The descendants of John D. Rockefeller, Jr.,
and their spouses, eighty-four individuals in all, were worth slightly more
than $1 billion in securities. This figure excluded real estate and personal
property, including jewelry and art, worth at least another $200 million. Most
of this fortune, $738 million to be exact, was held by trusts created by John
D. Rockefeller, Jr.

By 1980, four of the grandchildren of John D. Rockefeller had passed away.
Winthrop Rockefeller died of cancer in 1973. In his will, he left most of his
estate, appraised at $81 million, to a charitable trust. This trust later sold
Winrock Farms to Winthrop Paul Rockefeller, his son by his first marriage.
Abby Rockefeller Mauze too died of cancer three years later. She left the bulk
of her estate to a charitable lead trust, which would pay all of its income to
charity for thirty-five years, after which the principal would be distributed
free of taxes to her grandchildren. The eldest brother, John D. Rockefeller
III, died in an automobile accident on the family estate at Pocantico in 1978.
His will stipulated that part of his art collection, worth about $25 million,
be donated to two museums. The rest of his approximately $100 million estate,
after estate taxes, went to a trust for his wife and children. Later that same
year, Nelson Rockefeller died of a heart attack under somewhat mysterious
circumstances while in the company of a young female assistant. His personal
estate was valued at approximately $66 million. Most of his art collection
went to museums, and his share of the Pocantico estate was given to the
federal government as part of a park. The rest of his estate, after taxes,
went to a trust for the benefit of his second wife and their two sons. Upon
the death of their parents, of course, the children of the two Rockefeller
brothers and their sister immediately became the income beneficiaries of the
massive trusts created by John D. Rockefeller, Jr., in 1934.

As the children of J. D. Rockefeller, Jr., fade from the scene, they are being
replaced, on a somewhat less obtrusive scale, by their children. It is the
cousins, the twenty-two surviving grandchildren of J. D. Rockefeller, Jr., who
will eventually inherit the bulk of the family fortune. The best known of all
the cousins is, not surprisingly, a namesake of the founder of Standard Oil.
John D. Rockefeller IV, or Jay as he prefers to be called, became interested
in politics while serving on the staff of the Peace Corps soon after his
graduation from Harvard. After a brief stint in the State Department, he
decided to enter politics at the state level, as his uncles Nelson and
Winthrop had done so successfully. He also decided to go a state where his
wealth might be appreciated rather than scorned. Jay Rockefeller moved to West
Virginia in 1964 and, two years later, was elected to the state legislature.
In 1976, he was elected governor. After two terms as governor, he was elected
to the Senate in 1984. Like his uncles, he did not hesitate to use his wealth
to further his political career. In all, Jay spent over $20 million of his own
money on his last two campaigns alone. By and large, the cousins are a diverse
group. Several of them are actively involved in civic and philanthropic
organizations. Although none of the rest has pursued a career in politics,
some of the cousins have contributed generously to various political causes.
Only one of them, Rodman Rockefeller, the eldest son of Nelson Rockefeller,
works for any of the family corporations.

Although the Rockefeller family may never again have the wealth or the unity
of purpose that it once possessed, it will remain a potent political and
economic force for generations to come. The Rockefeller cousins no longer see
each other frequently, but many of them meet twice each year at reunions to
discuss family matters. The matter of common interest to all of them, of
course, is Rockefeller Family and Associates, the family office that
administers most of their wealth. In the meantime, the Rockefeller fortune
continues to grow, slowly but surely. The investments of the family have
increased greatly in value since the nomination hearings for Nelson
Rockefeller in 1974. The market value of their stockholdings in major
corporations has, in all likelihood, risen from $653 million in 1974 to over
$1.7 billion. These totals exclude the family stockholdings in Rockefeller
Group Inc., the holding company for their real estate and broadcasting
properties. In a complex financial transaction designed to raise additional
cash, Rockefeller Group recently sold a 71.5 percent interest in twelve
buildings in Rockefeller Center to the public for $1.3 billion. Rockefeller
Group still retains a full or half interest in four other buildings in
Rockefeller Center as well as Outlet Company, which owns and operates seven
television and four radio stations, and Cushman and Wakefield Inc., a real
estate management firm. The total net worth of Rockefeller Group is at least
$2.5 billion. In addition, individual family members probably own at least
another $500 million in municipal bonds, real estate, and art. In all, the
Rockefellers are now worth close to $5 billion.

THE DU PONT FAMILY

Of all the corporate rich families in America, few are richer and none is
older than the du Ponts. The founder of this prolific and sometimes profligate
clan was Pierre S. du Pont de Nemours, a prosperous French businessman who
migrated to this country in 1800. At last count in 1977, there were about
sixteen hundred du Ponts. Although they share a common ancestry, they do not
all share in the du Pont fortune. Most du Ponts are at least somewhat
affluent, but only a couple of hundred of them are truly rich. Indeed, most du
Ponts no longer have any affiliation with the giant chemical company of the
same name. For the first hundred years of its existence, E. I. du Pont de
Nemours and Company was simply a family partnership owned by those family
members who were actively engaged in the business of making munitions and
explosives. The foundation for the present concentration of wealth within a
few branches of the du Pont family was laid in 1902 when three young cousins,
Alfred I. du Pont, T. Coleman du Pont, and Pierre S. du Pont II, bought
majority control of the company from four older cousins. In all, they acquired
72 percent of the Du Pont stock for $12 million in promissory notes. The du
Pont fortune was consolidated even further thirteen years later when Pierre
organized a holding company, later to be known as Christiana Securities, to
buy out Coleman, the largest stockholder in the company, for $14 million in
cash and notes. This stock purchase, which gave Pierre effective control of Du
Pont, was later challenged in the courts by his cousin Alfred. The ensuing
legal battle, which Pierre eventually won, created a family feud that lasted
for decades.

As a result of these two transactions, the bulk of the du Pont fortune is held
by the descendants of the brothers and sisters of Pierre S. du Pont II, a
great-great-grandson and namesake of the first du Pont to migrate to America.
More than any other person, it was Pierre who oversaw the growth of Du Pont
into a giant corporation. He also managed to accumulate much of the current du
Pont fortune. After his father was killed in an explosion at a Du Pont plant,
the young Pierre apparently decided that it was his responsibility, as the
oldest son, to ensure the welfare of his eight siblings. As he had no children
of his own, Pierre proceeded to amass a fortune of staggering proportions,
only to distribute most of it to his brothers and sisters and their children.
For example, when Pierre first organized Christiana Securities in 1915 to buy
out Coleman du Pont, he brought in two brothers and the husbands of two
sisters as major stockholders. Eight years later, Pierre organized another
holding company, Delaware Realty and Investment, to which he transferred the
bulk of his holdings in both Du Pont and Christiana Securities. He then
distributed the stock in this holding company equally among his brothers and
sisters, as well as the children of two deceased brothers, in exchange for an
annuity of $900,000 a year for him and his wife. By 1938, the stock in
Delaware Realty and Investment alone was worth $145 million in Du Pont stock.
In addition, Pierre and his brothers and sisters owned other stock in
Christiana Securities worth another $141 million in Du Pont stock.

The Du Pont Company grew and prospered under the leadership of Pierre du Pont.
As John Gates, a historian of the du Pont family, observed, "he was, to be
sure, the right man at the right time in the right place, and he was
surrounded by other right men in the right places, but Pierre made it all
happen." As a result of soaring munitions sales during World War I, Du Pont
Company profits increased almost sevenfold between 1914 and 1918. Even before
the war was over, Pierre used some of these profits to diversify the company
into the production of paints, dyes, and chemicals. In search of another
investment opportunity for the remainder of the wartime profits, he also
engineered the purchase by Du Pont of a 23 percent stake in General Motors in
early 1918. For the next several years, Pierre was to exercise enormous
economic power as the president of both Du Pont and General Motors. By the
time he died in 1954, his brothers and sisters had produced thirty-four
children, many of whom had children of their own. It was a large family, to be
sure, but he had provided it with a large fortune. The stock in Delaware
Realty and Investment was then worth $858 million in Du Pont stock. His
brothers and sisters and their children also held stock in Christiana
Securities worth another $629 million in Du Pont stock. In all, this branch of
the du Pont family alone owned, either directly or indirectly through holding
companies, over 26 percent of the stock in Du Pont in 1954. Moreover, the
family was actively involved in the management of the company, with eight
family members serving as either officers or directors.

Although Pierre du Pont was an extremely astute businessman, he was aided and
abetted throughout by other family members. When he stepped down as president
of Du Pont in 1919, Pierre was succeeded by his younger brother, Irenee du
Pont. Following family tradition, Irenee graduated from M.I.T. with a degree
in chemical engineering before joining Du Pont. Although he did not possess
Pierre's genius for organization or finance, Irenee proved to be an effective
chief executive officer with an undeniable talent for making money. For
example, it was Irenee who initiated the du Pont family investment in the U.S.
Rubber Company. In 1927, he organized a syndicate of family members, which
purchased almost 30 percent of the stock in U.S. Rubber. Not surprisingly, the
company soon became the largest supplier of tires to General Motors. As a
result of his early participation in Christiana Securities, Irenee became
extremely wealthy. He bought a sixty-foot yacht and built Granogue, a lavish
500-acre estate outside Wilmington, Delaware. However, his most extravagant
purchase was Xanadu, a $2 million oceanfront estate in Cuba, where he raised
pet iguanas. When he died in 1966 at the age of eighty-four, Irenee left an
estate of approximately $200 million. Of this, $90 million went to taxes, $32
million went to a family foundation, and $64 million went into trusts for his
children. However, he had already given his children the bulk of his stock in
Christiana Securities. In all, Irenee du Pont was survived by eight children
and thirty-seven grandchildren. Altogether, they are worth approximately $800
million.

When Irenee du Pont resigned as president of Du Pont in 1928, he was succeeded
by Lammot du Pont, the youngest of the three brothers. In a family in which
eccentrics were common, Lammot was almost in a class by himself. He was the
first and probably the last president of Du Pont to ride to work on a bicycle.
At home, he often chopped firewood or sharpened knives for recreation. His
main contribution to the company was the commitment of substantial funds for
research and development. This effort eventually led to several profitable
discoveries by Du Pont chemists, including the invention of nylon in 1938.
Along the way, Lammot accumulated a fortune that finally eclipsed the
considerable fortune amassed by his brother Irenee. Although he did not flaunt
his wealth on the same scale as Irenee, he did permit himself the minor
extravagance of a ninety-six-foot yacht. Lammot was also a family man of
sorts. In all, he had ten children by his four wives. Because of the size of
his family, he took great care to minimize the taxes on his estate. When he
died in 1954, he left an estate of only $75 million. In his will, he took full
advantage of the tax laws and left half of his estate, tax free, in trust for
his wife. He also stipulated that the remainder of his estate, after taxes,
was to go into a series of trusts for his children. Of course, Lammot had
already placed the vast bulk of his fortune in trusts for his descendants. His
ten children and twenty-seven grandchildren are worth, in the aggregate,
roughly $1 billion.

Perhaps the richest of all the nephews and nieces of Pierre du Pont was Lammot
Copeland. He owed this distinction to the fact that he was the only child of
Louisa du Pont Copeland, the older sister of Pierre du Pont. His father,
Charles Copeland, was an investment banker who later served as the secretary
of Du Pont. Lammot joined the company after graduation from Harvard, and,
because he was talented and because he was a du Pont, he rose quickly through
the managerial ranks at Du Pont to become president and later chairman. He
resigned as chairman in 1972, not long after it was disclosed that his son,
Lammot Copeland, Jr., had filed for bankruptcy, listing liabilities of almost
$60 million against assets of only $26 million. The son had become involved in
a number of questionable business ventures and had incurred massive debts,
largely by guaranteeing loans to several unprofitable companies. Lammot
Copeland, Sr., lent his son over $8 million in order to bail him out but to no
avail. In the end, they decided that bankruptcy was the quickest and the
cheapest way out of an impossible situation. Although both father and son lost
several million dollars in the settlement, neither of them was severely
affected by the bankruptcy. Under Delaware law, the creditors were unable to
invade the trust established for Lammot Copeland, Jr., which held
approximately $14 million in Du Pont and Christiana Securities stock. Lammot
Copeland, Sr., who died in 1983, had three children who are probably worth
close to $400 million.

Most of the descendants of the other brothers and sisters of Pierre S. du Pont
are also quite wealthy. Pierre's youngest sister, Margaretta du Pont, married
Robert R. M. Carpenter, who developed a close relationship with the childless
Pierre. He eventually served as a vice president and director of Du Pont. One
of their four children, Robert R. M. Carpenter, Jr., gained national attention
in 1943 when he purchased the Philadelphia Phillies baseball team for about
half a million dollars. His son, Robert R. M. Carpenter III, gained even more
attention when he sold the team for more than $30 million in 1981. The four
children of Ruly and Margaretta du Pont Carpenter eventually had eleven
children of their own. Overall, the Carpenter branch of the du Pont family is
worth at least $500 million. Although the descendants of the other two sisters
and two brothers of Pierre du Pont are not quite so rich as their cousins,
most of them are nevertheless very wealthy. Neither of Pierre's two other
sisters, Mary and Isabella du Pont, or their respective husbands, William W.
Laird and H. Rodney Sharp, was ever a major stockholder in Christiana
Securities, other than through Delaware Realty and Investment. Neither was any
of the children of his two older brothers, William and Henry du Pont, both of
whom died before the creation of Christiana Securities. Consequently, the
children of Mary du Pont Laird, Isabella du Pont Sharp, Henry B. du Pont, and
William K. du Pont owe the bulk of their wealth to the shares of Delaware
Realty and Investment, which they or their parents received from Pierre S. du
Pont in 1925. These four brothers and sisters had twelve children and twenty-
seven grandchildren, who are worth, in the aggregate, about $1.2 billion.

Despite their great wealth, the du Ponts have established very few charitable
foundations comparable to those created by other corporate rich families. This
limited philanthropy may be due to the fact that the du Pont family was much
larger than most of these families almost from the outset. The greatest
philanthropic gesture by any member of the family was the creation of Alfred
I. du Pont. One of the most dynamic and colorful members of the entire du Pont
clan, it was Alfred who encouraged Pierre and Coleman to join him in
purchasing majority control of Du Pont in 1902. However, after Pierre gained
control of the company by buying out Coleman, Alfred severed his ties with
many members of the du Pont family. He resigned as a director of Du Pont and
moved to Florida, where he began amassing large tracts of undeveloped land.
When he died in 1935, Alfred left most of his estate to the Alfred I. du Pont
Testamentary Trust. Almost all of the income from this trust went to his wife
until her death in 1970.

The primary income beneficiary of the trust is now a hospital for crippled
children located on the grounds of his Nemours estate in Delaware. In addition
to large blocks of General Motors and Du Pont, the main asset held by the
trust is a 74 percent interest in St. Joe Paper Company, which, in turn,
controls Florida East Coast Railway and owns over a million acres of
timberland in Florida and Georgia. In 1979, the trust conservatively valued
its assets at $1.1 billion. The only other major du Pont foundation is the
Longwood Foundation, which was created out of the residual estate of Pierre S.
du Pont. This foundation, with assets of $112 million in 1983, is devoted to
the maintenance of his Longwood estate outside Wilmington, Delaware, as a
public garden.

As a group, the heirs of Pierre S. du Pont are the richest members of the du
Pont clan, but they are by no means the only ones to share in the du Pont
fortune. The other really wealthy branch of the clan consists of the
descendants of William du Pont, a first cousin once removed of Pierre. William
inherited a relatively small block of Du Pont stock from his father, Henry du
Pont, one of the four du Pont cousins who retained a minority interest in the
company after selling out to Pierre, Alfred, and Coleman du Pont in 1902.
Although William resigned as a director after Pierre gained control of the
company, he kept his Du Pont stock. With his cousin, Alfred I. du Pont, he
also founded the Delaware Trust Company to compete with the Wilmington Trust
Company controlled by Pierre and his relatives. When William died in 1928, his
will stipulated that his entire estate be placed in trust for his two
children. By 1937, this trust held over $32 million in Du Pont stock alone.
His son, William du Pont, Jr., established a national reputation as a horse
breeder while his daughter, Marion du Pont, gained some notoriety by marrying
and later divorcing the actor Randolph Scott. When William du Pont, Jr.,
passed away in 1966, his five children each received over $50 million from the
trust created by their grandfather. Because their aunt, Marion du Pont Scott,
never had children, they also received her share of the trust, probably worth
another $60 million apiece when she died in 1983. In all, the William du Pont
branch of the family is probably worth at least $600 million.

By and large, the younger du Ponts, the grandnephews and grandnieces of Pierre
du Pont, have led private lives. Certainly the best known grandnephew is
Pierre S. du Pont IV, the former governor of Delaware, who prefers to be
called "Pete" by his constituents. His father, Pierre S. du Pont III, once
served as a vice president and director of Du Pont. Pete too joined the
company soon after graduation from Harvard Law School but quit after seven
years. He then decided to enter politics by running unopposed for a seat in
the Delaware legislature. It was something of a feat, inasmuch as the du Pont
name was almost as great a liability in Delaware electoral politics as the du
Pont fortune was an asset. With the help of a professional campaign-management
firm, Pete was elected to three terms as the sole member of the House of
Representatives from Delaware before being elected governor of the state in
1976. When he first entered the House of Representatives in 1971, he released
a list of his stockholdings; it was a relatively modest portfolio worth less
than $2.2 million. He did not reveal, however, the value of trusts for his
benefit, which probably account for the bulk of his personal wealth. Only one
of the heirs of Pierre S. du Pont still works for Du Pont. H. Rodney Sharp
111, who is a grandson of Isabella du Pont Sharp, is a manager in charge of
the computer operations division for the company. However, unlike most lower-
echelon managers, he is -also a director of Du Pont. By and large, the other
descendants of Pierre S. du Pont have pursued independent activities, ranging
from coin collecting to horse breeding. All of them are able to subsist quite
nicely on the income from their trust funds and investments.

Despite the fact that it grew to become one of the largest corporations in
America, Du Pont has remained, until relatively recently at least, a family
enterprise. The heirs of Pierre du Pont have not only held a controlling block
of Du Pont stock, they have also been active in the management and direction
of the company for several decades. Several of Pierre's nephews and even a few
of his grandnephews have served as officers and directors of Du Pont. In
recent years, however, the du Ponts have been content to let others manage the
company for them. Lammot Copeland was the last member of the du Pont family to
serve as president. The gradual withdrawal of the family from active control
of the company was accelerated by the dissolution of the pyramid of holding
companies created by Pierre to consolidate the stockholdings of the family.
Delaware Realty and Investment was merged into Christiana Securities in 1961
through an exchange of stock, Sixteen years later, Christiana Securities
itself was merged into Du Pont in exchange for Du Pont stock. In explaining
the decision to merge Christiana into Du Pont, Irenee du Pont declared
cryptically that "the original reasons for establishing Christiana have run
their course and no longer prevail." In point of fact, these mergers were
motivated primarily by a desire to reduce the income taxes paid indirectly by
family members through these holding companies. As the result of the merger
between Du Pont and Conoco in 1981, the heirs of Pierre S. du Pont currently
control only about 12 percent of the stock in Du Pont. However, three members
of the du Pont family still serve as directors of the company.

The du Pont family, which eventually comprised 34 first cousins and at least
107 second cousins, is the largest of the corporate rich families in America.
As a result, the current du Pont fortune is distributed among a large number
of individuals who are only distantly related to one another. The only entity
that represents the interests of the entire family is Wilmington Trust
Company, which is controlled by the du Ponts and which provides them with
various financial and fiduciary services. Nevertheless, the family as a whole
has slowly divided itself into a number of separate branches. The only
cohesive kinship groups are now those involving the descendants of each of the
eight brothers and sister of Pierre du Pont, most of whom are either siblings
or first cousins to one another. Even today, the mainstay of the du Pont
fortune is the Du Pont stock distributed to family members and their trusts
after the dissolution of Christiana Securities in 1977. This stock has a
current market value of roughly $1.8 billion. Another major asset is the
General Motors stock distributed to family members after the divestiture by Du
Pont of its General Motors stockholdings beginning in 1962. The market value
of this stock is now about $800 million. Moreover, these major stockholdings
represent only part of the du Pont fortune. For example, the heirs of Pierre
du Pont received over $1.5 billion in dividends from Christiana Securities
alone in the years between 1925 and 1977. Although some of this income went to
income taxes and to maintaining a comfortable standard of living, much of it
was undoubtedly reinvested in stocks, bonds, and commercial real estate. As a
result, the heirs of Pierre S. du Pont alone are now worth at least $4
billion.

--[cont]--
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
Omnia Bona Bonis,
All My Relations.
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
Kris

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