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Impeached POTUS

Run for your life, it's Queen Thong

by Mark Steyn

YESTERDAY I climbed into my steel reinforced underwear, staked out my
hotel lobby, and was rewarded with another glimpse of the temporarily
interned intern.
Monica is ample, but she's not Godzilla, she's not King Kong or even
Queen Thong. Yet grown senators are fleeing in terror: "Run for your
life!" cry terrified Republicans. "She's gonna talk about cigars in the
well of this august body."

"She's been interviewed 22 times," scream petrified Democrats. "She has
nothing new to add. Aarggh!"

Thump! Thump! Thump! Queen Thong's pounding down the Mall, she's
climbing up the Capitol dome, she's tossing Republican senators around
like matchsticks, she's snapping their spines and hurling them to the
ground . . . Oh, hang on. Republican senators don't have any spines.

In public, the Democrats' position is that Monica won't reveal anything
new; in private, they worry that, even if she reads out the phone book,
just her girly, giggly voice on the witness stand will emphasise what
the President did - he didn't just pleasure himself with her, he
manoeuvred her into legal jeopardy and conscripted her into his
obstruction of justice.

Of course, these offences pale beside Monica's: she threatens the
dignity of the Senate. So, as in 1950s sci-fi movies like Invasion of
the August Body Snatchers, a remote, close-knit community cowers before
the world's most terrifying unemployed 25-year-old airhead.

The US Senate, like everything else in Washington, has now taken on the
forlorn character of President Clinton's sex life: it's nervous about
reaching "completion".

Late on Monday, The World's Greatest Deliberative Body was solemnly
deliberating whether to move a Democrat motion to dismiss, a Republican
motion to dismiss the motion to dismiss, Senator Trent Lott's motion to
dismiss all debate on the motion to dismiss, Senator Russell Feingold's
motion to dismiss the motion to dismiss and split it into two motions to
dismiss twice, or - in a spirit of bipartisan compromise - a motion to
dismiss the motion to dismiss the motion to dismiss and instead split it
into two motions - one to convict the President and one not to dismiss
him.

I may have missed a couple: the Senate produces more motions than a
gallon of extra-strength Ease-O-Lax. But they are, in every sense, just
going through the motions. Yesterday, after the move to dismiss, they
moved to dat miss - Monica Lewinsky - and the vexed question of live
witnesses.

Bill McCollum made the case for the House impeachment managers: he's the
one who looks like Leslie Crowther, if you can imagine Leslie Crowther
cross-examining interns about who put whose Crackerjack pencil where.

Betty Currie was not on the list of potential witnesses, having been
vetoed by Republican senators who feared that the sight of House
prosecutors questioning a black woman would unnerve the American people.
Presumably, most of them have never seen a white Republican man talking
to an African-American woman.

The President must be kicking himself for not hitting on the black
interns: if Monica were a person of colour, those guilt-ridden Senate
honkies wouldn't dare call her. Meanwhile, as Monica waddles towards the
chamber, Democrats do their best to toss any old obstacle in her path.

Iowa's Senator Tom Harkin maintains that House Republicans should not
have interviewed her because the Constitution reserves "the sole right
of impeachment" to the Senate. The House managers have no right leaning
on witnesses when the Constitution reserves the sole right to lean on
witnesses to the President.

Other Democrats are disputing the expenses claims, demanding to know
what it cost taxpayers to put Monica up in this hotel. The Office of
Independent Counsel has said it only paid "the government rate" for the
room.

"Monica's staying in the Presidential Suite for $5,000 a night!" says
one Democrat. "She's staying in the Presidential Suite for $10,000 a
night!" roars another 10 minutes later. Who knows? Maybe 5,000 bucks is
"the government rate".

The hotel management tells me only that she was in "a secure suite".
"You mean," I ask, with a shudder, "I'm in an insecure suite?" Whether
or not the suite's insecure, I certainly am. I'm never going to get a
room upgrade until I get a subpoena from Ken Starr.

The London Telegraph, Jan. 27, 1999


Impeached POTUS

Social Security Socialism

by Milton Friedman

President Clinton proposed in his State of the Union address that a
quarter of the funds set aside for Social Security be invested in the
stock market--a truly radical plan.
Margaret Thatcher reversed Britain's drift to socialism by selling off
government-owned enterprises. President Clinton now proposes that the
U.S. government do precisely the opposite: buy private equities, thereby
becoming part-owner of U.S. enterprises.

I have often speculated that an ingenious way for a socialist to achieve
his objective in the U.S. would be to persuade Congress, in the name of
fiscal responsibility, to (1) fully fund obligations under Social
Security, and (2) invest the accumulating reserves in the
private-capital market by purchasing equity interests in domestic
corporations.

Congress has never adopted a policy of full funding of Social Security,
but neither has it adopted a strict pay-as-you-go policy. As is
Congress's wont, it has chosen the middle of the road where cars can hit
you from both directions. It has collected more in current taxes than
were needed to pay current benefits, yet not enough more to equal the
future liability that it was incurring. The excess revenue has been
spent in the ordinary course of government business.

However, to preserve the fiction that Social Security is insurance,
federal government interest-bearing bonds of a corresponding amount have
been deposited in a so-called trust fund. That is, one branch of the
government, the Treasury, has given an interest-bearing IOU to another
branch, the Social Security Administration. Each year thereafter, the
Treasury gives the Social Security Administration additional IOUs to
cover the interest due. The only way that the Treasury can redeem its
debt to the Social Security Administration is to borrow the money from
the public, run a surplus in its other activities or have the Federal
Reserve print the money--the same alternatives that would be open to it
to pay Social Security benefits if there were no trust fund. But the
accounting sleight-of-hand of a bogus trust fund is counted on to
conceal this fact from a gullible public.

At the end of 1997 the value of the trust fund totaled $656 billion. The
unfunded liability for old age, survivor and disability benefits (the
present value of the excess of future estimated benefits over future
estimated tax receipts) is variously estimated as anywhere from $4
trillion to $11 trillion. For perspective, the total market value of all
domestic corporations in the U.S. at the end of 1997 was roughly $13
trillion.

Suppose the president's proposed policy had been followed in its most
extreme form from the outset of Social Security in 1937, i.e., that the
whole excess of Social Security tax receipts over Social Security
benefit payments, and not just one-quarter, had been invested in the
stock market. Offhand, it looks as if the trust fund would own only
about 5% of all domestic corporations ($656 billion out of $13
trillion).

But that is too simple. Most of the accruing funds would have been
invested at far lower stock prices than those that prevailed as of the
end of 1997. Suppose that stock prices, dividend yields, Social Security
tax receipts, and Social Security benefit payments had all been what
they were--that is, not affected by the investment of Social Security
funds in stocks instead of government bonds. On that assumption, the
trust fund at the end of 1997 would have totaled not $656 billion but
more than 10 times as much, approximately $7 trillion. In that case, the
Social Security trust fund would own more than half of all domestic
corporations! To return to my socialist fantasy, full funding would long
since have brought complete socialism.

That too is too simple. Neither stock prices nor other economic
magnitudes could have behaved as they actually did, with so much extra
money flowing into the market. But what this calculation demonstrates is
(1) the widely recognized fact of how much better equity stocks are as
an investment than government bonds and (2) how seriously the government
purchase of private securities would threaten our freedom.

Have we not learned from the experience of the past century that private
property is the key bulwark of personal freedom? Has that experience not
shown how dangerous it is to transfer a larger and larger fraction of
the productive assets of the country into the hands of a government
bureaucracy?

If the corresponding sums had been accumulated by private individuals
and not used to finance government spending, they would have been a real
addition to the nation's capital and not just a bookkeeping entry. Those
sums would have been invested in ways citizens or their advisers chose.
The end result would have been more productive investment, a larger
stream of income and a freer, more responsible, more productive society.


The Wall Street Journal, Jan. 26, 1999


The Religion Business

Those Burning Black Churches

Why did the Anti-Defamation League Make a Payoff to Lyons?

LARGO, Fla. (AP) — As the Rev. Henry Lyons accepted a $225,000 check to
rebuild burned black churches, he told the Anti-Defamation League the
money would go immediately to "the wheels that are squeaking the
loudest.''
Instead, prosecutors say, Lyons deposited $60,000 into a savings
account, gave $12,000 to his wife, sent money to love interests in
Tennessee and Indiana and spent part of the money to redecorate his
house and pay off credit card bills.

"We believed all the money had been expeditiously distributed to the
churches in need of rebuilding,'' Mark Medin, director of national
leadership of the Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith, told jurors at
Lyons' trial today.

Lyons, president of the National Baptist Convention USA, is charged with
racketeering and grand theft, accused of swindling money from
corporations seeking to do business with the convention and stealing
funds from the ADL intended to rebuild black churches.

Medin said ADL leaders first began questioning where the money went when
they received telephone calls from reporters in the St. Petersburg area.


Lyons accepted the money at the ADL's annual meeting in 1996, when a
cluster of church arson fires, many of them involving predominantly
black churches in the South, was making headlines. Jurors today saw a
videotape made of the ceremony.

"We immediately determined where these funds should go, and the wheels
that are squeaking the loudest at this point in time, we will give the
funds to those churches,'' Lyons said on the tape.

Medin said Lyons followed up two weeks later with a letter saying six
burned churches had received $35,000 each and there were more churches
still in need. The ADL then forwarded him another check for $19,500,
Medin said.

Lyons is charged with grand theft in the handling of the ADL funds. He
and codefendant Bernice Edwards both are charged with racketeering,
accused of devising elaborate schemes to divert more than $4 million
from corporations seeking to do business with church members.
Prosecutors say they used the funds to buy themselves expensive homes,
diamond jewelry and luxury cars.

Opening arguments in the trial were given Monday. In his defense, his
lawyers argued that just because a business deal did not succeed doesn't
mean a crime was committed. They said some of ADL money was held in bank
accounts simply because Lyons hadn't decided yet how to distribute it.

Ms. Edwards' attorney described her as a naive and uneducated homemaker
who was struggling to make ends meet.

Associated Press, Jan. 26, 1999


Impeached POTUS

Clinton's Lawyer Is a Liar, Too

by Dick Morris

EVEN as the impeachment trial grinds to a close and the president
prepares to show his remorse by dancing on its grave, the White House
has introduced us to yet another liar in this long, tawdry process -
Charles Ruff, President Clinton's lawyer. Throughout the proceedings,
defense lawyers Ruff and Cheryl Mills have shown about the same regard
for the truth as their famous client.
Charles Ruff was originally slated to be Clinton's attorney general -
until it was revealed that, for years, he had not paid the federal nanny
tax for his household help. Clinton quickly dumped him, but years later
brought him in as counsel to the president, a position which did not
require Senate confirmation and conveniently avoided any airing of his
deliberate and embarrassing tax evasion.

Cheryl Mills was the subject of a congressional referral to the Justice
Department which accused her of perjury and obstruction of justice in
congressional proceedings. Sound familiar? She can truly feel Clinton's
pain; she's been there, done that.

Some of Ruff's lies are laughs - like his earnest contentions that the
DNA test had nothing to do with the president's belated decision to come
clean about his relationship with Monica Lewinsky. Particularly humorous
was his straight-faced statement that Clinton paid $850,000 to Paula
Jones not because he was guilty but because he didn't have the time to
deal with a case that had already been dismissed.

In Ruff's shamelessly duplicitous argument before Congress, he
deliberately lied about Betty Currie's status in the Paula Jones case.
House Manager Asa Hutchison skillfully exposed that lie. Ruff also
claimed that he did not know whether the president had actually ever had
any conversations with me about the poll which I conducted for him about
the Monica Lewinsky matter on Jan. 21, 1998.

Unfortunately for Ruff, the president's own sworn written testimony -
prepared by the same Charles Ruff - admits the conversations and exposes
that lie. But like his client, Ruff remembers only what is convenient.

During Ruff's presentation, he claimed that the president had no illicit
intentions in his ''coaching'' of Betty Currie because, as he put it,
''Betty Currie was never an actual or prospective witness ... In the
entire history of the Jones case, Ms. Currie's name had not appeared on
any witness list; nor was there any reason to suspect that she would
play any role in the Jones case ... In the days following the
deposition, the Jones lawyers never listed her, never added her to any
witness list.''

Therefore, according to Ruff, the president would have had no motivation
to coach Betty because she was of no interest to the Jones lawyers. He
was simply refreshing his recollections. (Leave aside for the moment
that he was apparently refreshing his recollection by making statements
to Betty that he knew - and she knew - were untrue.)

Asa Hutchison caught Ruff's blatant lie and powerfully proved it to the
Senate. He held up a copy of the subpoena that was actually issued for
Betty Currie only a few days after the president's fateful deposition.

Ruff knew all about that subpoena, but he lied about it anyway.

Then, Hutchison held up the actual witness list, showing Betty Currie's
name, which the Jones lawyers had submitted to the Court and to the
president's lawyers on Jan. 23, 1998.

Ruff knew all about that witness list, but he deliberately lied about
that, too.

When Ruff was caught, he apologized to the Senate for his ''misleading
statement.'' In WhiteHousespeak, that means ''I lied to you and got
caught.''

Ruff's co-counsel Cheryl Mills claimed that Betty Currie's testimony
about retrieving the president's gifts to Lewinsky was consistent. That
depends on what the word ''consistent'' means. Hutchison demonstrated
that Betty Currie was actually inconsistent.

Only four weeks after she had actually retrieved the gifts from Monica
on Dec. 28, 1997, Currie told the FBI that she had picked them up about
three months earlier, distancing that event from the Jones subpoena for
those gifts in December. Later, she moved it back even further, claiming
that it was in the fall of 1997. Finally, Currie admitted that it was
sometime in December, 1997. In this White House, that is what passes for
consistency.

When Ruff was asked about the poll that I conducted for the president,
and our telephone call discussing it, he claimed that he had ''no idea
whether the conversation ever occurred or not.'' Once again, Ruff lied.
When the president responded to the eighty-one questions from the House
Managers, he admitted that the poll was taken and that he discussed it
with me in telephone calls.

Not only did Ruff know all about the president's sworn answers, he was
the one who prepared them and certified that they were true and
accurate. Ruff also supervised the provision of White House documents to
Kenneth Starr - including records of telephone calls from the president
to me during the relevant time period. Ruff knew about that, too, but he
lied, anyway.

If his own client admitted, under oath, that the conversation between
the president and me did, indeed, take place and that I did, indeed,
conduct a poll, why would Ruff try to suggest otherwise? While one
cannot blame Ruff for being skeptical of the veracity of his own
client's assertions, we can assume that any admission adverse to the
president's interests would likely be true.

Ruff tried to wish away the poll because he wanted to avoid calling
attention to the undeniable fact that the president himself was
masterminding and coordinating the White House cover-up of the Lewinsky
matter.

Most of all, Ruff knew about that.

The New York Post, Jan. 26, 1999


Impeached POTUS

Hubbell Indictment Reinstated

Bribes from Clinton friends

A U.S. federal appeals court gave independent counsel Kenneth Starr a
victory Tuesday, reinstating tax evasion charges against Webster
Hubbell, a longtime friend of President Clinton and the first lady.
The appeals court panel ruled that a federal judge was wrong to dismiss
the indictment against the former top U.S. Justice Department official
on the grounds that the case exceeded the independent counsel's
jurisdiction.

In throwing out the tax case against Hubbell, U.S. District Judge James
Robertson said Starr had exceeded his authority in bringing the charges
and that Starr had unfairly used Hubbell's own financial records against
him in assembling evidence against the former associate attorney
general. Hubbell had turned over the records to Starr under a limited
grant of immunity known as production immunity.

The appeals court validated Starr's theory of the case—that he was
entitled to bring the charges based on evidence that hundreds of
thousands of dollars he was paid by friends of President Clinton may
have been "hush money" to ensure his silence in Starr's Whitewater
probe.

"The timing, sources, and extent of the payments make the belief that
they were hush money reasonable," said the appeals court. That suffices
to bring the charges, the court added.

The appeals court, however, raised questions about the extent to which
Starr can rely on the documents he collected from Hubbell in prosecuting
the longtime friend of the president.

Starr, said the appeals court, must establish that it knew before
collecting the documents that they existed.

"Unless the Independent Counsel can establish its knowledge of the
existence and possession of the documents sought in the subpoena with
greater detail and particularity, it will have to live with the
consequences of its decision to compel production," the appeals court
ruled.

Reuters, Jan. 26, 1999
-----
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
Omnia Bona Bonis,
All My Relations.
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
Kris

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