-Caveat Lector-
Wow, Kris, great expose! The bully Spivak intimidates some poor old lady who
was acting as a trustee for Fr. Coughlin, but who wasn't up to facing a
soulless hit man like Spivak.
The dollars that Coughlin's organization are "charged" with raising here are
LAUGHABLE in the face of the super-crimes being committed by the FEDERAL
RESERVE BOARD in the same period (See Speeches of Congressman Louis T.
McFadden, Omni Publications, Palmdale, California).
If Coughlin had committed some crimes, fraud, etc. WHY DIDN't Roosevelt or
anybody else bring him to "justice" -- I mean, Roosevelt controlled the
whole government. Yet, not one charge, NOT ONE CHARGE was ever brought
against Coughlin. So much for the investigative reporting of Spivak.
Also, I HOPE Coughlin flouted the "NWO-Judeo-Masonic" inspired rules that
govern money and politics in this country. These rules have been made since
circa 1913 to keep down the patriots and to allow the NWO crowd to romp all
over America, stamping their footprint repeatedly in the average guys face.
These rules have been followed by good people, but completely ignored by the
NWO favored candidates as is proven by Clinton's last campaign. The CROOKS
at the Federal Election Commission selectively go after some, and leave
alone others (Alan Keyes was left alone in 1996 because he was dividing Pat
Buchanan's vote -- this is not to say that Keyes is a bad guy, he was just
used in a bad way, and allowed to file late, and ridiculously incomplete for
his services.) Maybe you haven't heard, but everything about the IRS and its
extortion of income taxes is illegal --- but that's another subject, a very
important one.
I wonder if we can look forward to your expose of how AIPAC,(American
Israeli Political Action Committee), and all the other Jewish lobbies get
501C3 status while they BLATANTLY pressure Congressman and politicians all
the time. Somehow I doubt it. There's no bigger joke that this set up. One
set of rules for the Self-Chosen, and another for average Americans.
Fr. Coughlin was a great American and a great priest. He was in harmony with
the writings of the great Fr. Denis Fahey, who in turned condemned the
anti-Christ machinations of the dominant Jewish Lobbies in all countries,
Hitler and the Nazis, and Stalin and the Communists ---- pointing out that
these were all different manifestations of a naturalistic disorder against
the Divine Plan for Order Established by Our Lord, Jesus Christ. Jim Condit
Jr.
> -----Original Message-----
> From: Conspiracy Theory Research List [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]]On
> Behalf Of Kris Millegan
> Sent: Tuesday, February 23, 1999 12:50 PM
> To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
> Subject: [CTRL] [6] Shrine of the Silver Dollar
>
>
> -Caveat Lector-
>
> an excerpt from:
> Shrine of the Silver Dollar
> John L. Spivak(C)1940
> Modern Age Books
> New York, NY
> -----
> The book that brought down demagog Charles Coughlin, who was the
> second-most
> listened to person in the '30's, right behind FDR. John Spivak
> exposed Father
> Coughlin to be a fraud and in league with Nazi propagandists. Out
> of print for
> many years.
> Om
> K
> -----
> VIII
>
> THE MYSTERY OF THE
> DEFICITS
>
> I HAD INTENDED to show in more detail in this last chapter that Coughlin's
> broadcasts, which influence an estimated 3,500,000 listeners,
> cost much more
> than the public contributes for this purpose. I had planned to
> list all the
> forty-seven radio stations in his network and show that an hour's
> time on each
> plus the "line charges" cost over half a million dollars a year.
> (Line charges
> are costs met by the sponsor for the hook-ups between stations.)
>
> The figures which I had from Father Coughlin's own books showed
> that neither
> the Radio League of the Little Flower nor Social Justice
> magazine, which back
> the weekly broadcasts, clears that much money. Since these are
> the only two
> corporations established by the radio priest which raise money on a large
> scale, the natural questions were: Who met the difference., and for what
> purpose?
>
> Father Coughlin, however, saved me the necessity of going into
> these details.
> He frankly admitted, in the December 18, 1939, issue of Social Justice in
> Pleading for a $200,000 radio fund that:
>
> "Radio expense is now close to $10,000 per week."
>
> This estimate, so far as I have been able to ascertain, is correct.
>
> Let's see how the Radio League, which has already collected about
> a million
> dollars from the public and which is tightly controlled by
> Coughlin's little
> coterie of three, functioned right from the beginning.
>
> By the end of 1930--only a few months after it was incorporated--the Radio
> League had taken in over $44,000, but business was on the
> downgrade. I shall
> not go into the detailed take from the public in the first few
> years when the
> income fell to a pretty low figure (assets of only a little over
> $6,000 by the
> end of 1934). It was in this period of small assets and a
> discouraged outlook
> that the radio priest began to waver in his fervent pro-Roosevelt
> and pro-New
> Deal speeches. He seemed to be uncertainly feeling his way to see
> what would
> happen. One week found him for the New Deal and the next against
> it. By the
> end of 1935 he was chiefly anti-Roosevelt and anti-New Deal. Big
> industry and
> finance also hated the President and even his remotest ancestor;
> in Coughlin
> they heard a voice which reached the country and attacked the man
> they hated.
> In this very same period the money suddenly started coming in and assets
> boomed to almost $80,000. Then funds appeared for launching
> Social Justice and
> for distributing Coughlin's talks free of charge to anyone who asked for
> copies. A political organization, the National Union for Social
> Justice, was
> started, and the radio priest sought more and more stations to reach the
> people. He didn't seem to have the slightest worry as to how the
> money to pay
> for them would come. By the end of 1936, when he was most active
> in attacking
> Roosevelt and the New Deal, the money he received, presumably in
> the dollar
> and two-dollar contributions from his audience, brought the assets of this
> neatly controlled corporation to a little over $200,000 clear of all
> liabilities. Coughlin and his two stenographers took the money
> the public sent
> in for the Radio League and bought $14,000 worth of real estate
> and $54,000
> worth of other tangible property, extended credits of $125,000 and socked
> $12,000 away in the bank.
>
> By the end of 1937 the radio venture had assets of over $190,000 and not a
> penny in liabilities. The trio--Coughlin and his two
> secretaries--had bought
> about $50,000 worth of real estate, extended credits of $116,000, and had
> $22,000 in loose change carefully put away in a bank. It was
> during this year
> that Coughlin quarreled with his ecclesiastical superior, the
> Archbishop of
> Detroit; and fearful that the Church might somehow stop him from
> running the
> Radio League, he stepped out as president, though he left Amy Collins and
> Eugenia Burke to keep an eye on things and run the outfit. The mysterious
> Edward Kinsky became president of the Radio League and vice
> president of the
> privately owned publishing business issuing Social Justice magazine.
>
> Business continued booming, and by the end of 1938 (the latest
> balancing of
> the Coughlin corporation books) the triumvirate had bought around $100,000
> worth of real estate, almost $65,000 worth of property, had
> extended credits
> of $118,000, and had a nice nest egg of $190,000 in cash in the bank.
>
> The important thing is not that this trio ran the take up to almost half a
> million dollars or that they were buying real estate and other
> property, which
> they controlled exclusively, but that the money was collected
> from the public
> for "charitable and religious" purposes and, in 1937, for "maintenance of
> church."' I should like the reader to bear this point in mind; I
> shall come
> back to it.
>
> Nineteen thirty-eight, the year when the take reached almost half
> a million
> dollars, is the year when Coughlin began his anti-Semitic campaign,
> disseminated Nazi propaganda manufactured in Berlin, and fought the C.I.O.
> drive in the auto plants with all his might. Incidentally, in
> this year when
> he got the most money, he did not employ as many girls to open the mail as
> when the contributions from the public were nowhere near as
> muchwhich arouses
> the reasonable suspicion that a good portion of this money did
> not come from
> small public donations.
>
> Figures usually make dull reading, so I shall not go into greater
> detail on
> the income and expenditures of the Coughlin corporations. But there are
> several important aspects of the Radio League and Social Justice
> that should
> be summed up.
>
> 1. Father Coughlin's broadcasts, according to Stanley G. Boynton,
> president of
> Aircasters, Inc., which arranges them, are paid for by the Social Justice
> Publishing Company. This private publishing business, however, is
> operated on
> an annual deficit--in the past year or two, between $60,000 and
> $75,000. Its
> entire income, even if it did not pay for paper, printing, editorial and
> office help, advertising, mailing, freight, etc., is insufficient to meet
> broadcasting expenses totaling half a million dollars a year. It uses its
> income to publish and sell the paper and at the end of the year
> has a hefty
> deficit. Consequently, it could not possibly pay the costs of the weekly
> national broadcasts; and just as logically the radio time and the
> magazine's
> def. icits must have been and are now being met by per. sons
> other than the
> general public-persons who are interested in promoting Father
> Coughlin's pro-
> Nazi, anti-Semitic and anti-union activities.
>
> 2. These broadcasts, again according to Stanley G. Boynton, who
> arranges them,
> are commercial and intended to advertise the radio priest's
> privately owned
> Social Justice magazine.
>
> 3. If there are no sinister forces supporting Coughlin's dissemination of
> propaganda, then these enormous costs must have been met by the
> Radio League
> --the only other corporation collecting money from the public on a large
> scale.
>
> 4. Money collected by the Radio League of the Little Flower and used to
> advertise a private publishing business, cannot be considered as used for
> "maintenance of church," which the Radio League swore is the business it
> engages in.
>
> 5. If Radio League money, collected from the public for
> "Christian endeavors,"
> has been and is being used to advertise a private business, then
> the people
> who contributed it in the belief it was for religious purposes were
> defrauded--an act punishable by imprisonment, I am informed by competent
> attorneys.
>
> One thing is certain, according to the direct statement made to me by the
> president of the firm which handles the broadcasts: They are paid
> for by the
> Social Justice Publishing Company, publishers of Social Justice
> magazine. This
> private business is now "owned" by another corporation organized
> by Coughlin
> and called the Social Justice Poor Society, which was
> incorporated "to aid the
> poor and destitute." Actually this outfit never gave a second
> thought to the
> poor and destitute; it was organized under the guise of carrying
> on Christian
> charity but really functioned only as a holding company for the private
> publishing business established by Coughlin.
>
> I think that, before I close, you should come with me to meet one of the
> "owners" of this private business. It will give you a better
> picture of how
> Coughfin operates.
>
> The auditor for the various Coughlin corporations is Alberta Ward
> of 807 North
> Washington Avenue, Royal Oak. Alberta, who works in the taxexempt
> Shrine of
> the Little Flower, gets $20 a week(Social Security Card No.
> 364-12-9190) paid
> by the Social Justice Publishing Company. For this $20 a week,
> she acts also
> as "trustee" of the Social Justice Poor Society, which owns the
> publication
> for which she works. As one of the three "trustees" she is one of
> the owners
> of the magazine.
>
> I had been curious about this lady and about Dorothy Rhodes, Marie Rhodes,
> Eugenia Burke and the rest of them--all underpaid employees of the Social
> Justice Publishing Company and all holding high offices in the Coughlin
> corporations. In trying to locate their homes I looked them up in the 1938
> Royal Oak city directory, the latest edition. Like everyone else
> the ladies
> listed their occupations along with their addresses. Dorothy and
> Marie Rhodes,
> both living at 826 Knowles, stated that they are
> "stenographers"--this while
> they were supposed to be presidents, secretaries, treasurers,
> directors and
> trustees of Coughlin corporations collecting vast sums of money from the
> public. Eugenia Burke of 1922 Edgewood Boulevard, Berkeley, another high
> officer in the Coughlin corporations, gives her occupation as "clerk."
> Alberta, who gets less pay than any of them, had the most
> impressive listing;
> she is an "accountant."
>
> I found Alberta at her home, a two-story frame building a few
> blocks from the
> Shrine. She opened the door and ushered me into the parlor with
> its spotless
> three-piece suite of upholstered furniture. Alberta is a timid woman
> approaching middle age and, I'm afraid, given to rouging her
> cheeks a bit too
> heavily. Her most striking feature in an otherwise plain face is a pair of
> deep, dark eyes which look out wonderingly at the world through
> octagonalshaped glasses. When she becomes frightened the pupils
> seem to dilate
> until the eyes become two dark balls.
>
> "I understand youre the auditor of Social Justice Publishing
> Company," I said.
>
> "Yes." She smiled in a friendly fashion.
>
> "And you're also a trustee of the Social Justice Poor Society?"
>
> The pupils in her eyes widened immediately. She nodded without speaking.
>
> "Could you tell me when you were elected trustee ?"
>
> "I-I wouldn't--I can't--I can't give you any in. formation at
> all," she said,
> her lips suddenly quivering. "Who are you? Why do you come to me?")
>
> "You're a trustee of the Social Justice Poor Society which owns
> Social Justice
> Publishing Company which issues Social Justice magazine,"' I
> explained, "and
> you also audit the books of the Social Justice Publishing
> Company. That's why
> I came to see you."
>
> "I don't 'see why I should make any statements--"
>
> "Aren't you the auditor?"
>
> "Yes, I handle the records at the Shrine."
>
> "That is why I came to see you. The Social Justice Poor Society
> is a public
> organization which controls Social Justice magazine which in turn is
> collecting money from the public--"
>
> "I don't care to answer any questions," she said, her eyes big and black
> behind her spectacles.
>
> "Surely you have no objection to telling me when you were elected
> trustee of
> an organization devoted to aiding the poor and destitute?"
>
> She shook her head and swallowed hard.
>
> "'I can't answer any questions. Why do you come to my house? The
> place to see
> me is at the Shrine. My work is there. All my records are there."
>
> "I was at the Shrine but you had left so I came here. You keep
> the records of
> Social Justice magazine and the corporation at the Shrine?"
>
> "Yes," she said.
>
> "I still don't understand why you decline to tell me
> when--approximately will
> do--you were elected trustee of the Poor Society."
>
> She motioned nervously with her hands and shook her head.
>
> "I'll be wanting to see the other trustees, too. Will I be able
> to find them
> at the Shrine?"
>
> "Yes, we all work there."
>
> "Let's see, how many other trustees are there in the Poor Society?"
>
> "I don't know," she said hesitantly with a slow shake of her head.
>
> "Aren't there three--you, Bernice Marcinkiewicz; and Marie Rhodes?"
>
> "I don't know," she repeated with a worried shrug.
>
> "There are only three trustees of a big publishing company and
> you don't know
> the other two associated with you as owners of the business?"
>
> "We have several organizations up there," she said. "It's a little
> complicated. I don't know which ones they're trustees of without
> looking up
> the records. I'd have to see those records."
>
> "Those records show that you're a trustee of the publishing business--and
> you're one of the three owners?"'
>
> "I guess so," she said.
>
> "What is the circulation of Social Justice now--?"
>
> "Oh, I wouldn't know that."
>
> "Perhaps you could tell me how much print paper was bought last year?"
>
> She looked blankly at me and again shook her head. "I really don't know."
>
> "Have you met with the editors lately to decide on policy--?"
>
> "Oh, no. I have nothing to do with that--"
>
> "But you're one of the three owners of the magazine--"
>
> "Oh, please--" she interrupted. "Please, I can't answer any
> questions. If you
> wish to see me, you will have to come to the Shrine. My records
> are all there
> and--I'll tell Father you wish to see him."
>
> "But Father Coughlin is not an officer or director of the
> corporation which
> owns Social Justice. You and two other girls are the owners, you know."
>
> She made bewildered motions with her hands. "Please. I don't know what the
> records show. I'd have to look at them."
>
> I really felt sorry for this woman who, in the process of holding
> down her $20
> a week job, had been picked as one of the dummy "trustees") of Coughlin's
> private publishing business. She all too obviously didn't know
> that she was
> being played for the "fall guy" and I left her in peace. To me
> she was just
> another illustration of the methods Coughlin has developed in
> manipulating the
> corporations he organized.
>
> As I proceeded with my study of his activities I came across so many
> statements the radio priest had made while he did precisely the
> opposite, that
> it seems to me that, before I conclude this book, we should again
> examine the
> statement he made to Ruth Mugglebee, his biographer. She quotes
> him as saying
> to her:
>
> Do you know how I would live if I renounced religion and was
> illogical enough
> to disbelieve in the life beyond --in the real life? Why, if I
> threw away and
> denounced my faith, I would surround myself with the most adroit
> hijackers,
> learn every trick of the highest banking and stock manipulations,
> avail myself
> of the laws under which to hide my own crimes, create a
> smokescreen to throw
> into the eyes of men, and--believe me, I would become the world's champion
> crook.
>
>
> The two important points in this statement concern the creation of a
> "smokescreen to throw into the eyes of men" and learning "every
> trick of the
> highest banking and stock manipulations." Let us see if there are
> any grounds
> to believe that he has followed this policy to hide his real activities.
>
> 1. He created an organization called the League of the Little
> Flower, whose
> function was to collect money from the public to maintain his
> church and to
> help build a new one. He used money thus collected to gamble on the stock
> market while he was publicly denouncing those who played the market.
>
> 2. He raised money for the Radio League of the Little Flower upon solemn
> assurances that it was a "non-political organization" and then
> used some of
> that money to build a privately controlled political organization.
>
> 3. He created a corporation with the Christian charitable
> objective of aiding
> the poor and the destitute, called it the Social Justice Poor Society, but
> never lifted a finger for the poor and the destitute. The
> corporation was used
> as a holding company for his privately owned publishing business.
>
> 4. While speaking and writing as a "friend of labor," he secretly tried to
> split labor's union ranks.
>
> 5. While denouncing, Nazism over the air and in his magazine, he was
> disseminating Nazi propaganda sent out from the German Ministry
> of Propaganda.
>
> I could continue with this list, but I mention these five points
> only by way
> of illustration. I believe they can reasonably be considered as creating
> smoke. screens to hide what Coughlin really did.
>
> Let us consider "learning the highest tricks of banking and stock
> manipulations."
>
> 1. Coughlin established corporations which raised several
> millions of dollars
> from the public and controlled these corporations through
> employees acting as
> dummy officers and directors.
>
> 2. The books of these corporations were sewed up so that no one
> outside his
> little coterie would know the sums taken in and what happened to them.
>
> 3. He claimed tax exemption for his profit-making corporation on
> the grounds
> that it was really owned by a non-profit-making corporation.
>
> 4. He ignored his Archbishop's request, made on papal instructions, that
> Social Justice magazine be truthful, by asserting that his
> publication, whose
> offices were in a Catholic church, was a private business which
> had nothing to
> do with the Church?
>
> 5. He used monies contributed by the public to one corporation
> he controlled
> to aid another corporation he also controlled.
>
> These, too, could be extended, but again I offer them only as
> illustrations. I
> believe that such actions can reasonably be considered "tricks."
>
> Certainly one thing is obvious: The Reverend Charles E. Coughlin
> of Royal Oak,
> Michigan, has collected several millions of dollars from the
> public, which was
> under the impression it was aiding him in "Christian work." If there is
> nothing wrong with his many strange activities, the radio priest should
> voluntarily open his books to public examination, explain the various
> transactions, what is behind his dissemination of Nazi propaganda and his
> anti-union efforts. This procedure would eliminate any unjust
> suspicion not
> only of his motives but of his financial transactions.
>
> If, on the other hand, he thinks it wise not to do this
> voluntarily, then it
> seems to me that it becomes the duty of the law-enforcing
> agencies to do it
> for him, so that the millions of people who have been sending him
> money and
> who believe he is actuated by "Christian" and "patriotic" motives may know
> what sinister forces motivate him and expose them to the full
> glare of public
> knowledge.
>
> pp. 158-180
>
> --fini--
> -----
> Aloha, He'Ping,
> Om, Shalom, Salaam.
> Em Hotep, Peace Be,
> Omnia Bona Bonis,
> All My Relations.
> Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
> Amen.
> Roads End
> Kris
>
> DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER
> ==========
> CTRL is a discussion and informational exchange list.
> Proselyzting propagandic
> screeds are not allowed. Substance—not soapboxing! These are
> sordid matters
> and 'conspiracy theory', with its many half-truths, misdirections
> and outright
> frauds is used politically by different groups with major and
> minor effects
> spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought. That being said, CTRL
> gives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and always
> suggests to readers;
> be wary of what you read. CTRL gives no credeence to Holocaust denial and
> nazi's need not apply.
>
> Let us please be civil and as always, Caveat Lector.
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DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER
==========
CTRL is a discussion and informational exchange list. Proselyzting propagandic
screeds are not allowed. Substance—not soapboxing! These are sordid matters
and 'conspiracy theory', with its many half-truths, misdirections and outright
frauds is used politically by different groups with major and minor effects
spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought. That being said, CTRL
gives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and always suggests to readers;
be wary of what you read. CTRL gives no credeence to Holocaust denial and
nazi's need not apply.
Let us please be civil and as always, Caveat Lector.
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