<<The danger is, of course, to extol the virtues of Giuliani's programmes,
so much so that other cities try some of the methods.  Another danger is
the kops {do they drink Keystone beer?} are allowed to develop new methods
of "law enforcement" or "keeping the peace" based on the mistakes of the
few; those who err only provide the means by which the many can alter their
procedures to be more 'effective'.>>


>From wsws.org


WSWS : News & Analysis : North America : The Brutal Society

Inequality and police brutality in New York City

The social underpinnings of the murder of Amadou Diallo

By Fred Mazelis
12 March 1999

More than one month has passed since the police killing of Amadou Diallo.
The gunning down of this 22-year-old West African immigrant in the doorway
of his Bronx home horrified millions in New York City and around the world.
The almost daily protests since the shooting are only a pale reflection of
the feelings among very broad layers of working people. There is a growing
awareness that this incident reveals something deeply sick about social and
political life in America's greatest metropolis.

Outrage over the fact that the police officers who killed Diallo have not
even been questioned yet has been further fueled by revelations about the
conduct of police investigators in the hours immediately following his
death. They entered Diallo's home without getting permission from his
roommates, ransacking the apartment in an apparent effort to find something
which could be used to help justify the shooting. His roommates were
questioned for most of the night at the police precinct before finding out
that their friend had been killed by the police.

Despite this anger and concern, the official response to the killing shows
every sign of following an all-too familiar pattern. There have been
expressions of regret from various political leaders. The major newspapers
have voiced their editorial concern and urged that steps be taken to
"improve" policing and "restore confidence" in the police force. The
federal Commission on Civil Rights has announced that it will hold a
hearing on the case in May.

In previous cases of police brutality and killings, the headlines have
eventually subsided. The fact-finding reports are issued years
later--indeed, the federal report on Los Angeles in the wake of the
notorious beating of Rodney King almost eight years ago has still not been
produced. Very rarely individual police have been prosecuted, sometimes on
federal charges after acquittal in state courts, as in the case of the
assailants of Rodney King and, more recently, the New York City cop who
killed Anthony Baez with an illegal chokehold in 1994.

Even if some punishment is meted out, the brutality continues, and within
months another high-profile case emerges, capturing the headlines only
because it is particularly gruesome, wanton and unprovoked. New York City
now regularly pays out more than $25 million annually, setting new records
each year, to settle civil suits against the police. The official reaction
to the killings takes on an almost ritualized character, and no light is
shed on the real reasons for these events.

The thinking of the individual cops who pulled the triggers and fired 41
bullets at Diallo, 19 of which found their victim, is the product of
broader social processes. A lawyer for these police officers claims that
they did not set out to kill an innocent man that night. That makes this
incident all the more significant. There is no reason to assume that these
were "rogue cops." At any rate it seems clear that there are thousands of
others who could have pulled the trigger on an unarmed and wholly innocent
man in the same way. What are the conditions that give rise to this?

Prosperity and poverty


The 1990s has not been, for a large majority of the population in New York,
the golden age of prosperity we read about in the press. Only a thin layer
of the population has profited from the continuing bull market on Wall
Street.

The unprecedented boom, which has lasted almost the entire decade, has seen
the stock market reach new records every year. Rising real estate and stock
prices have produced a large number of new millionaires and
multimillionaires. There are hundreds of thousands of residents of New York
City and the surrounding metropolitan area who enjoy discretionary income
beyond their wildest dreams. These are the people whom the New York Times
addresses in its Sunday real estate section, and most of the rest of that
newspaper as well, writing about things like new home bargains in certain
neighborhoods going for "only" $300,000. The average price of a Manhattan
apartment is now well over half a million dollars.

There are hundreds of thousands of other New Yorkers who will have
difficulty earning a total of half a million dollars in a lifetime. The
vast majority of the working population struggle to pay their bills from
one paycheck to the next, or are unable to afford the basic necessities of
life, including shelter and food. Jobs have become relatively plentiful and
the unemployment rate has dropped, although it is still hovers around 8%,
significantly above the national average. The jobs, however, are almost all
of the low-wage, part-time or temporary variety. The number of working
poor, managing without health insurance or going to food banks to feed
their families, has grown substantially. Good-paying jobs have disappeared
and even better-off working class families require two incomes in order to
manage.

This rapidly increasing social polarization is a global trend which finds
its sharpest expression in New York. Another phenomenon which has vastly
changed the city is immigration. In each of the past two decades, one
million immigrants have streamed into New York, and an approximately equal
number of mostly native-born residents have moved out. While the population
of the city has, according to census figures, grown by a modest amount, the
nature of the city has been transformed.

The city is younger and poorer. The school system is beset by crumbling
structures and overcrowded classrooms. Workers have come to New York from
all over the world fleeing political oppression and economic misery. They
are prepared, considering the conditions they left behind, to work for
poverty wages, but they have not been given an alternative, or assimilated
into an economy in which there are decent jobs. It has been difficult even
for those with education or special skills, while the unskilled have only
found ways to eke out a living on the fringes of the economy. Immigrant
communities have become associated with specific low-wage service sectors.
Indians and Pakistanis work at gas stations and as taxi drivers, the
Chinese in sweatshops and restaurants, and many of the West Africans, who
now number about 100,000 in New York, as street peddlers, like Amadou
Diallo.

These trends--the speculative boom, the disappearance of manufacturing
employment, the influx of immigrants used to hold down wages--have all
contributed to a rise in poverty and social tension. This is the reality
behind the statistics on child poverty released by the Citizens Committee
for Children a few weeks ago, including the startling fact that the
percentage of children growing up poor has leaped from 39% at the beginning
of the 1990s to 52% today.

Policing the working class


This social reality has everything to do with the policing of working class
neighborhoods and the death of Amadou Diallo. Here is where the social and
political issues meet. The methods employed by the New York Police
Department are determined by definite social interests. Their tactics flow
from the need to defend a thin stratum of the fabulously wealthy and to
maintain a business environment acceptable to Wall Street, Madison Avenue
and numerous corporate headquarters in a city whose population is
overwhelmingly poor and working class. As the gap between the rich and poor
has grown, so has the size of the police force expanded. The police are
deployed aggressively in Manhattan to make tourists and businesspeople feel
safe. Certain "high crime" neighborhoods are targeted for specialized
squads such as the Street Crimes Unit.

The police who killed Amadou Diallo were members of this Street Crimes
Unit, which quadrupled in size in the last few years, and which has been
authorized to use the most aggressive tactics in poor and working class
communities around the city. This unit, whose members reportedly have
monthly quotas for arrests and seizures of illegal weapons, has become
notorious for its arbitrary stop-and-frisk practices directed largely at
young blacks and Hispanics.

These police techniques are the product of political decisions. The
political representatives of the ruling elite who run the city, state and
federal governments have stated quite openly that helping the poor is not
the job of government. The job of government, the police force above all,
is to smooth the path for business and make the wealthy investors happy.

The ruling class has made use of immigration to increase the supply of
labor and hold down wages. At the same time it has conducted an
unprecedented assault on public services, in effect forcing workers to pay
an increasing share of health care and education costs, and transferring
billions of dollars to the wealthy by slashing the welfare rolls and
putting thousands of welfare recipients to work at jobs previously
performed by city workers.

Giuliani's ultra-right program


Republican Mayor Rudolph Giuliani has become the spearhead of this attempt
to repeal most of the urban social policy of the 20th century. This
so-called moderate, distrusted by sections of the Christian fundamentalist
right for his support for abortion rights and refusal to support the
impeachment of Clinton, has staked out his own ultra-right wing position,
based on an unrelenting law-and-order campaign, a crusade to privatize
public services like hospitals and schools, and the demonization of the
poor.

Giuliani's "quality of life" campaign has been used for the past five years
to portray the most vulnerable sections of the working class as the source
of every problem besetting the city. He began by targeting the homeless
"squeegeemen" who sought to make a few pennies by cleaning the windshields
of cars stopped at red lights. This was the beginning of a nonstop campaign
that went on to include taxi drivers, street vendors, and countless other
sections of the population. The city's workfare program, by far the largest
in the country, has been justified in the most extreme ideological terms,
suggesting that the poor have no one but themselves to blame for their
poverty, and that society must intervene to correct their behavior by
forcing them to work for slave wages.

The budget cuts and attacks on the poor have been accompanied by open
attacks on democratic rights. Peaceful protests have been set upon by the
police and barriers have been placed around City Hall to make
demonstrations impossible.

Although Giuliani has his critics within the political establishment, their
voices can barely be heard. Just as the Democratic Party on the national
level has adopted the Republican platform with a vengeance, in New York
City the Democrats, who predominate on the City Council and in borough
offices, have acquiesced in all of Giuliani's major policies. Even those
who have reservations about his tactics have no alternative to propose.

There has as yet been no organized response from the working class, which
is disenfranchised and abandoned by the union organizations which claim to
represent it. Rather than opposing the attacks on democratic rights and
living standards, the leaders of the unions have been busy stuffing ballot
boxes in union elections and contract votes, as in the case of District
Council 37 of AFSCME. Their only concerns have been to safeguard their
six-figure salaries and ram through the contract concessions they have
negotiated with the Giuliani Administration. Many of them are trying to
avoid jail, as the authorities prepare indictments on charges of the theft
of millions in union funds.

This is the context in which the police are encouraged and instructed to
ride herd on working class communities around the city. The Soundview
district of the Bronx, where Amadou Diallo was killed, is not one of the
city's most miserable neighborhoods, but it is typical of those areas in
which the police have felt entitled to shoot first and ask questions later.
The Mayor himself has set the tone for this by ridiculing anyone who raises
objections to his provocative actions and expresses concern over the threat
to democratic rights.

The most bigoted, corrupt and brutal police officers have been encouraged,
but even those without any particular motive along these lines have been
trained as a virtual occupying force. Under these conditions, a combination
of hostility and hatred of the working class, racism, indifference, fear
and panic inevitably leads to incidents such as the one in the Bronx, with
four cops emptying their revolvers within seconds, and then finding out
that the "suspect" was guilty of nothing.

Black, Hispanic and immigrant workers and youth are the overwhelming
majority of the victims of police brutality because they are the
overwhelming majority of the poorest and most oppressed sections of the
working class which are targeted for this campaign of intimidation. Large
numbers of the police, programmed to stop and frisk young black men, make
no distinction and harass middle class blacks as well, which has only
fueled the growing anger against the police force.

It should be clear that the growing social misery and social polarization
are behind the dramatic increase in police brutality. Those who defend the
system which produces this polarization and misery--even if they recoil
from actions such as the killing of Amadou Diallo--are responsible for
these inevitable consequences. The fight against police brutality can only
be waged as part of an independent political movement of the working class
to fight against poverty and inequality.

See Also:
Immigrant killed by New York City police buried in Guinea
[18 February 1999]



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